መነበብ ያለበት – ”የጥፋት ልጆችን እንዴት እንታገል” (ኤርሚያስ ለገሰ)

Ermias

ብዙ ሰዎች የወይዘሪት ሚሚ ስብሀቱ ስብእና ፊቱ ላይ እየተደቀነ ሴትየዋን እና በዙሪያዋ የተሰባሰቡ ትናንሽ ሰዎች የሚያቀርቡትን ፕሮግራም የመስማት ፍላጐት ያጣል። ርግጥም የእነ ሚሚ ፕሮግራም በቅዱስ መጵሀፋ ” የአመጳ ሰው እርሱም የጥፋት ልጅ” እንደሚለው የሚፀነሰው በአደንዛዥ እጵ እና በስካር መንፈስ መሆኑ ይታወቃል። በዚህም ምክንያት አብዛሀው በንቀት ፣ በመፀየፍ እና አቃሎ በመመልከት ቢያልፈው የሚያስገርም አይደለም። እውነትም እነዚህ የመንፈስ ድሀዎችን ማዳመጥ ጊዜ እንደማጥፋት ቢቆጥረው እና ትእግስት ቢያጣ ትክክል አይደለህም አይባልም።

ነገር ግን እንደ አንድ ስርአቱ ውስጥ እንደነበረ እና የአገዛዙ የኮሙዩኒኬሽን መልእክቶች እንዴት ተቀርፀው፣ እንዴት እንደሚተላለፋ ለሚያውቅ ሰው ጉዳዩን ከብዙ ኢትዬጲያውያን በተለየ እመለከተዋለሁ። በአጭሩ እነ ሚሚ የሚናገሩት በሙሉ ሳይቀነስ ሳይጨመር የኮሙዩኒኬሽን እና ደህንነት ጵ/ቤት ሀላፊዎች አዘጋጅተው የሚሰጧቸውን ብቻ ነው። የመልእክቱ ማእከላዊ አላማ ደግሞ ህውሀት እና መሪዎቹን የበላይነት፣ የገዥነት እና ከህግ በላይ መሆንን ማሳየት ነው። ከዚህ በተጨማሪም ለሌሎች ብሔረሰቦች ያላቸውን ንቀትና ጥላቻ ባገኙት አጋጣሚ ማሳየት ነው። እዛው ሳለ በቀጣይ ሊወሰዱ የሚችሉ ጥቃቶችን እና ሰለባዎችን የሚያመላክቱበት ነው። የእነ ሚሚ ንግግር አይን ያወጣ ክህደት እና የልብ ውፋሬ የሚታይበት በዚህ ምክንያት ነው።

እናም በፓለቲካ ውስጥ ተሳትፎ ያላችሁ ሰዎች እነዚህ የመንፈስ ድሆች እና የቤት ውስጥ ባሪያዎች ተክለ ሰውነት ወደ ጐን ትተው ከአንደበታቸው የሚወጣውን መስማት የሚከፋ አይደለም። ” እኛ ከመልእክቱ እንጂ፣ ከተናጋሪው ምን አለን” የሚለው አባባል እዚህ ላይ የሚሰራ ይመስለኛል። ለማንኛው ለዛሬ ሶስት ነገሮች ላይ ላተኩር፣

1• የአሜሪካን ድምጵ (VOA) ኦሮምኛ እና አማርኛ ፕሮግራም፣

እነ ሚሚ በዛሬው ዝግጅታቸው የአሜሪካ ድምጵን (VOA) ከሽብርተኞች ጋር ግንኙነት ፈጥሯል፣ መረጃ የሚያስተላልፈው ከእነሱ እየተቀበለ ነው የሚል ክስ አቅርበዋል። ይሄ ምን ማለት ነው?…ለምን ይሔ ክስ አሁን መጣ? …የሚሉትን ጥያቄዎች ማንሳት ተገቢ ይመስለኛል። እውነት ለመናገር የአሜሪካን ድምጵ የአማርኛ እና ኦሮምኛ ፕሮግራም ባለፋት ሁለት ወራት ባስተላለፋቸው ፕሮግራሞች የህዝብን በደል እና ገፍ ለማሳየት የሔደበት እርቀት ምስጋና የሚቸረው ነው። በኦሮሚያ፣ በቅማንት፣ ወልቃይት ኢትዬ ሱዳን እና ድንበር ፣ ረሀብ ዙሪያ፣… የተቃዋሚ አመራሮችን ፣ የአገዛዙን ባለቤቶች ፣ የአገሬ ጉዳይ ያገባኛል የሚሉ ልሂቃን …ወዘተ ለማግኘት ያደረገው ጥረት ይበል የሚያስብል ነው። በተለይ የኦሮምኛ ፕሮግራም አዘጋጅ እህታችን ጋጠ ወጡ ሰውዬ ሳይወድ በግድ “የተፋውን ክርፋት መልሶ እንዲውጥ!” በማድረግሽ አድናቆቴ ይድረስሽ።

እናም አሁን የሚነሳው ትልቁ ጥያቄ ቪኦኤ በዚህ መልኩ እንዲቀጥል እድል ይሰጠዋል ወይ?… ከጀርባ በሚጐነጐን ሴራ እና ጫና ተጠልፎ ይወድቅ ይሆን ወይ? የሚለው ይሆናል። …ምላሹን በቀጣይ ቀን እና ወራት በሚያቀርበው ዝግጅት ድምፀት የምንመለከተው ቢሆንም የኢትዬጲያ ህዝብ ከጐኑ ሊቆም ይገባል።
2• ኦህዴድን በተመለከተ

የደህንነት እና ኮሙዩኒኬሽን መስሪያቤቱ በእነ ሚሚ ውስጥ አድሮ እንዲነገርለት የፈለገው ሌላ ቁምነገር ኦህዴድን በተመለከተ ነው። ይኸውም ” አሁን በኦሮሚያ የተፈጠረው ችግር ኦህዴድ ሊፈታው የሚችል አይደለም” የሚል ነው። ይህ አባባል ሀሰት አይደለም። በኦሮሚያ የተፈጠረው ችግር በእነ አባዱላ እና ሙክታር አቅም የሚፈታ አይደለም። እንደውም የእነሱ መሳተፍ ችግሩን የበለጠ ያሰፋዋል እንጂ መፍትሔ አያመጣም።

ሁላችንም እንደምናውቀው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ እያካሔደ ያለው ትግል ማእከላዊ አላማ ከፓለቲካ፣ ከኢኮኖሚ፣ ማህበራዊ እና መንፈሳዊ እስር ለመላቀቅ የሚደረግ ነው። ስለዚህ ራሱን ከጭቆና እና ርግጫ ማላቀቅ ያልቻለ ፍጡር የመፍትሔው አካል ሊሆን አይችልም። የእነ አባዱላን ተሳትፎ በዚህ ተራ ውስጥ አሰልፎ መመልከት ያስፈልጋል። እነሱ የለውጡ አደናቃፊ እንጂ የለውጥ ሐዋርያዎች የሚሆንበት እድል ከዜሮ በታች ነው። ባይሆን ቀኑ እስኪመጣ ድረስ ከሀገር ቤት ከሚሸሸው 26 ቢሊዬን ዶላር ድርሻቸው ስንት እንደሚሆን አሳዳሪያቸውን እንዲጠይቁ ይፈቀድላቸው።

እዚህ ላይ ” በኦሮሚያ የተፈጠረው ችግር በኦህዴድ አቅም የሚፈታ አይደለም” በሚለው አባባል ላይ የለውጥ ሀይሉ እና ህውሀት (ደህንነቱም፣ ኮሙዩኒኬሽኑም እነሱ ስለሆኑ ነው) የምንስማማ ቢሆንም በትርጉም ደረጃ የምንለያይ መሆኑን መረዳት ያስፈልጋል። የለውጥ ሀይሉ ” በኢትዬጲያዊ ስነ ምግባር ” ታንጶ የሚናገር በመሆኑ የእነ አባዱላን የሰው ልጅነት ጥያቄ ውስጥ አናስገባም። እነ ሙክታር ከድር ማንነታቸውን በተለያዩ ምክንያቶች አሳልፈው የሰጡ የቤት ውስጥ አገልጋይ ፣ ግን ደግሞ የሰው ልጆች ናቸው። ከዚህ በተቃራኒ ለህውሀቶች በተለይም የመከራ ጊዜ ሲመጣ እነ ሙክታር እና መዋቅራቸው ሰዎች አይደሉም። ይህን ደግሞ እኛ የምንለው ሳይሆን በስጋ ሞቶ በመንፈስ የሚኖርላቸው አቶ መለስ በተደጋጋሚ የገለፀው ነው።

( በነገራችን ላይ በዚህ የእነ ሚሚ ስብሀቱ የጠረጴዛ ውይይት ላይ አቶ መለስ ለስድስት ያህል ጊዜ ስሙ ተጠርቶአል። በጠረጴዛው ላይ የተቀመጡት ሶስቱም ሰዎች በተናጠል ሁለት ሁለት ጊዜ በመጥራት ውዳሴ አቅርበዋል። እነሱ ላነሷቸው ቁልፍ ችግሮች መፍትሔው የሙት መንፈሱ መሆኑን አስረግጠው ተናግረዋል። ርግጥም ሚሚ እንዳለችው አቶ መለስ ” ከናዳ ለማምለጥ እንደ ኤሊ ሳይሆን እንደ አቦሸማኔ እንሩጥ!” እያለ ዘወትር ይናገር ነበር። ከተናገረው በተቃራኒ ሮጠ መሰለኝ…?? …
ሌላም ነጥብ አለ። አቶ መለስ ስድስት ጊዜ እንደ ፍቱን መዳኒት ሲጠቀስ ላለፋት ስድስት አመታት በምክትል እና ዋና ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርነት የተሾመው አቶ ሐይለማርያም አንድ ጊዜም አልተነሳም። በጥቅስ ውስጥ ገብቶ የሚነገርለት አባባልም አልተገኘለትም። ለነገሩ እኛም ፈልገን ማግኘት ስላቃተን የሰሞኑን የኦቦ ሌንጮ ለታ ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ሐይለማርያም የተጳፈ ደብዳቤ ለመምዘዝ ተገደናል። ኦቦ ሌንጮ በደብዳቤያቸው ላይ <>” የሚለውን ቧልት ጵፈው ዘና አድርገውናል።)
ወደቀደመው ስንመለስ በአቶ መለስ መንፈስ የሚመራው የህውሀት መስሪያቤት ኦህዴድን እንደ ሰው አይቆጥርም። ኦህዴድ ለአቶ መለስ ” የዝንብ ጥርቅም” ነው። መረጃ ካስፈለገ ” የአብዬታዊ ዲሞክራሲ የአመራር ጥበብ” የሚለው የምጡቁ ፣ ባለራእዩ፣ በክፈለ ዘመን አንዴ የሚፈጠሩት ታጋይ መለስ መጵሀፍ ኦህዴድን በተመለከተ ምን እንዳሰፈረ እንመልከት፣

” ስልጣን የያዝን እንደመሆናችን ወደ እኛ የተጠጋ የተለያዩ ጥቅሞችን ማግኘቱ የማይቀር ነው። ማር ባለበት አስቀድሞ የሚያርፈው ዝንብ ነው። ስልጣን ባለበት አስቀድሞ የሚያንዣብበው ከስልጣኑ ተጠቃሚ መሆን የሚፈልገው ነው። …በደቡብ እና ኦሮሚያ አባላት በብዛት እንመለምላለን። ዝንቦች ሆነው ይገኛሉ። እናራግፋቸዋለን። እንደገና እንሞላለን። ዝንብ ሆነው እናራግፋለን” በማለት ይገልጳል።

3• ጠባብ/ ትምክህት/ አክራሪነት

የህውሀቱ መስሪያቤት በእነ ሚሚ ውስጥ አድሮ እንዲተላለፍለት የፈለገው ሌላኛው መልእክት አሁን እየተካሔደ ያለውን ህዝባዊ እንቢተኝነት ስርአቱ እንደ ማስፈራሪያ የሚጠቀምባቸው ” ጠባብ፣ ትምክህት፣ አክራሪ” በሚሉ ቃላት መቀባት ነው። እዚህ ላይ መናገር የማይፈልጉት በአቶ መለስ ስጋ እና መንፈስ የምትመራው ” አዲሲቷ ኢትዬጲያ” ላለፋት 25 አመታት በስልጣን ላይ ቆይቶ ባለበት ሁኔታ የተባለው ችግር ቢኖር እንኳን ምንጩ ማነው? ሀላፊነቱን መውሰድ ያለበት ማን ነው? የሚለውን ይሆናል።

የመብት፣ የፍትህ መታፈን፣ ምዝበራ በተንሰራፋበት ሁኔታ (የተባሉት አመለካከቶች በተዛባ ትርጉማቸው ተቀብለንም ቢሆን) ለምን አይኖሩም? …አንዱ አካባቢ ከማሳቹሴት ኢንስትትዩት ኦፍ ቴክኖሎጂ(MIT) ጋር የሚመጣጠን መቀሌ ኢንስትትዩት ኦፍ ቴክኖሎጂ (MIT) ሲገነባ እያየ ሌላው ቅሬታ ቢቋጥር ለምን ይገርመናል?…አንድን ብሔረሰብ አግንኖ እና የገዥነት አስተሳሰብ እንዲኖረው አድርጐ እንዲሳል ማድረግ በሌላው ላይ የሚፈጥረው ስሜት ምን እንደሆነ ማወቅ እንዴት ይቸግራል?… ለአንዱ “የወርቅነት” ማእረግ ተሰጥቶት፣ ከወርቁ ጥምዝ ውስጥ ተፈልቅቆ የወጣው “የእንቁነት” ደረጃ አግኝቶ ሌላው መኖሪያው እስርቤት ሲሆን እንዴት ቂም አይቋጥርም?…ዋናው ስልጣን ተሰብስቦ በአንድ አካባቢ ተከማችቶ እየተመለከተ ፣እንዴት የእኔ አካባቢ ሰው በቁልፍ ስልጣን ቦታ የለም ብሎ ቢቆጭ ለምን ጠባብነት እንለዋለን?… ” አዲሲቱ ኢትዬጲያ” ለስርአቱ ባለቤቶች የገነት ምድር የሆነችበት ( ለንግድ እና መዝናኛ በዱባይ ፣ አሜሪካ እና አውሮፓ ቤት የሚኖራት)፣… ለሌላው ደግሞ ገበሬ፣ ባህታዊ እና ቄስ ጭምር በረሀ አቋርጠው የሚሰደዱባት በሆነበት እንዴት ቁርሾ አይያዝም?… 70% የሚሆነውን መሬት ለራሱ እና ለባእዳን ገጰ በረከት ሰጥቶ ሲያበቃ፣ መሬቱን የተነጠቀው ተኩሶ እየገደለ ” መሬቴን ልቀቁ!” ቢል ለምን ይገርመናል?…አገዛዙ መሰረቴ አይደለም ከሚለው አካባቢ ማእድን፣ ቡና ፣ ሰሊጥ፣ ጫት እና የመሳሰሉትን እየነጠቀ ኤክስፓርቲ አድርጐ ሲያበቃ፣ በሌላ በኩል ባለቤቱን የበይ ተመልካች ሲያደርግ ለምን ነፍጥ አያነሳም? …ለምን ” አይናችሁ ላፈር!” አይልም!!

በመሆኑም በአሁን ሰአት በኦሮሞ ተወላጅ የሆኑ ኢትዬጲያውያን የተነሳው እምቢተኝነት የሞራል መሰረት እና ልእልና ያለው ነው። ህዝባዊ ንቅናቄው የጥቂቶች ንቀት፣ ጥላቻ ፣ ብዝበዛ እና በመንግስት ውስጥ ሌላ መንግስት መፈጠር የለበትም የሚል ትግል ነው። ተወደደም ተጠላ የተቀጣጠለው አመጵ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ እና መላው ኢትዬጲያ የተነጠቀውን ነጳነት የማስመለስ ነው።

በዚህ ህዝባዊ ጐርፍ ውስጥ ግልጵ ያልሆኑ ነገሮች፣ ጥርጣሬ የሚፈጥሩ አጋጣሚዎች አይፈጠሩም ወይ?… ድብን አድርገው ይፈጠራሉ። ትግሉን ለመቀልበስ እና ሌላ አቅጣጫ እንዲይዝ የሚፈልጉ ሰርጐ ገቦችና ሌሎች ጥቂት ሰዎች አይኖሩም ወይ? …ያለምንም ጥርጥር ይኖራሉ። ዘረኝነትን የሚዋጉ ” ዘረኞች!” አይኖሩም ወይ?…አሁንም ያለምንም ጥርጥር ይኖራሉ።

ታዲያ እነዚህ ኢምንት ችግሮች ፋፍተው ለውጡ ላይ ጥላሸት እንዳይቀቡ መፍትሔው ምንድነው?
ትላንት አመሻሽ ላይ የአሜሪካ ጥቁሮች የነጳነት ቀንዲል የሆነውን የማርቲን ሉተር ኪንግ ፣ የጓደኞቹን እና የህዝቡን ትግል የሚያሳይ አንድ መጵሀፍ ሳነብ ነበር። የጥቁሮች ” ፀረ -ዘረኝነት” ትግል አጋጥሞት ከነበረው መለስተኛ ፈተና አንዱ ” ዘረኝነትን የሚዋጉ ዘረኞች” እያቆጠቆጡ መሄድ ነበር። እነዚህ “ዘረኝነትን የሚዋጉ ዘረኞች ” ነጭ ባዩ ቁጥር ደማቸው የሚፈላና ለመተናኮል የሚፈልጉ ነበሩ። ሁሉንም ነጭ በአንድ ቅርጫት ከተው የሚመለከቱ ነበሩ። ከዛም አልፈው ጥቁርነት ከነጭ ይበልጣል፣ ጥቁር የውበት መገለጫ ነው ( ዲንፕል፣ የመመረቂያ ጋዋን፣ የቀሳውስት ልብስ፣ ሙሉ ልብስ…ወዘተ) የሚሉም ነበሩ። በተለይ ድል በተቃረበ ቁጥር እንደዚህ አይነት አመለካከቶች እዚህም፣ እዚያም መደመጡ የማይቀር ነው። የድል አጥቢያ አርበኞች በመድረኩ ላይ ለመቆየት ህብረተሰቡን ሊያቃቅሩ የሚችሉ አባባሎችን መዘው ማውጣታቸው አይቀርም። እነዚህ ደግሞ በአብዛኛው ተማርን የሚሉ የድሉን ጭስ ከሌላው ቀድመው ማሽተት የሚችሉ ናቸው።

ስለዚህ የመጀመሪያው መፍትሔ እንደዚህ አይነት የነጳነት ትግሉን የሚያደበዝዙ ጥቂት ሐይሎች እንደሚኖሩ አምኖ መቀበል ያስፈልጋል። ወደ አደባባይ እያወጡም በግልጵ በመነጋገር እያረቁ መሄድ እና መተማመን መፍጠር ያስፈልጋል። ጥርጣሬዎች ባሉበት ሁኔታ ትግሉን ይጐዳል፣ መከፋፈል ይፈጥራል በሚል “የሆድ ይፍጀው” መፍትሔ የትም አያደርስም። የዛሬ ገዥዎቻችን የትግላቸው እንቅስቃሴ አስር አመት ሲሞላው ቁጭ ብለው ገምግመዋል። በግምገማቸው ትግራይ ሪፐብሊክ ብቻ አይበቃንም፣ ኢትዬጲያን መግዛት እንችላለን ብለው አቋማቸውን ለውጠዋል። ከፈለጉት አላማ ጋር አይሔድም የሚሉትን አራግፈዋል። ኢትዬጲያን ለመግዛት በእኛ የሚታዘዝ የሌላ ብሔረሰብ ፓርቲ እናቋቁም በማለት ጠፍጥፈው ፈጥረዋል። ይህን በማድረጋቸው የድል ባለቤት ሆኑ እንጂ ጠፍተው አልቀሩም።

ሁለተኛው መፍትሔ ህዝባዊ ማእበሉን ያለአንዳች ቅድመ ሁኔታ ተጠናክሮ እንዲቀጥል እና አድማሱን እንዲሰፋ ማድረግ ያስፈልጋል። ትግሉን ላለመቀላቀል ” የእናቴ መቀነት አደናቀፈኝ” የሚለው አባባል መነሻው ፍርሀትን ለመደበቅ በማሰብ የሚፈጠር ነው። አድማሱ በሰፋ ቁጥር የታጠቀው ሀይል ዘመናዊ መሳሪያዎች ቢኖሩትም መሰረቱ ጠባብ ስለሆነ የትግል ሜዳው በተለጠጠ ቁጥር የሚይዘው የሚጨብጠው ያጣል። እያደርም እየተፍረከረከ ይሄዳል። ከእነ ትጥቁ የሚከዳው ሀይልም እየጨመረ ይሔዳል። ወደ ህዝቡ የሚተኩሰውን ቢቻል ከእነ ህይወቱ መያዝ፣ ህይወቱ ካለፈም ” ኢትዬጲያዊ ጨዋነት” በተሞላበት ሁኔታ በስነስርአት ማስተናገድ ያስፈልጋል።

አድማሱን ከማስፋት ባልተናነሰ ፍጥነት ( Sense of Urgency) የህዝባዊ ማእበሉ ሌላኛው ገጵታ ሊሆን ይገባል። በምርጫ 97 ማግስት አቶ መለስ በውስጠ ድርጅት ስብሰባ ” የተራዘመ አመጵ ኢትዬጲያ ውስጥ አይሰራም!” ሲል በተደጋጋሚ ሲነገር ይደመጥ ነበር። በጭንቀት ላይ የነበረውን መዋቅርም ሲያጵናና የነበረው በዚህ ቃል ነበር። ርግጥም በተራዘመ ቁጥር የህብረተሰባችን የኢኮኖሚ አቅም ከእጅ ወደ አፍ ስለሆነ መሰላቸቱ ይመጣል። አሊያም ስርአት አልበኝነት ይሰፍናል። በተመሳሳይ ኢኮኖሚያዊ አቅሙን የተቆጣጠረው አገዛዙ ጊዜ አግኝቶ አፈር ልሶ የመነሳት እድል ያጋጥመዋል።

በሶስተኛ ደረጃ ከአገዛዙ ነጳ በሚወጡ መሬቶች በህዝቡ ተቀባይነት ያላቸው፣ ህብረተሰቡን የሚያስተሳስሩ ( connectors & Mavens) ፣ የአካባቢያዊ አመራር ክህሎት ያላቸው( የማደራጀትና ማስታጠቅ፣ የማስተባበር፣ የማሳመን…ወዘተ) ሰዎችን በጊዜያዊነት መርጦ እንዲያስተዳድሩ ያስፈልጋል። እነዚህ ሰዎች ቢያንስ አካባቢውን የማረጋጋት፣ ህዝብ ነገ የሚጠቀምባቸው ንብረቶች እንዳይወድሙ፣ ሰነድ እንዳይቃጠል ማድረግ ይኖርባቸዋል። በኢንቨስትመንት ስም የተሰጡ መሬቶች ሲመለሱ በጊዜያዊ ባለቤትነት ማስተዳደር ያለባቸው እነዚህ አመራሮች ናቸው።የቀበሌ እና ወረዳ ጵ/ቤት ማቃጠል ጊዜያዊ ንዴትን ሊያበርድ ይችል ይሆናል እንጂ ከጥቅሙ ጉዳቱ ያመዝናል። አሁን እያየን እንዳለነው ማህደር ከፍቶ ፋይል እንደ ጨው መዝራት የአገዛዙን ባለሟሎች ከመጥቀም ወጭ የሚፈይደው ነገር የለም። የተመለሱ መሬቶችን እየተሯሯጡ መከፋፈል የመንደር ጉልበተኛን ከመፍጠር ውጪ ሌላ ትርጉም የለውም። ጉልበት የሌላቸውን አግሎ ሁሉንም የመቆጣጠር ስሜት መፍጠር ደግሞ ውጤቱ የትላንቱ መሆኑ አይቀርም።

ገራፊዬን አየኹት ፡ (አቤል ዋበላ)

 

ገራፊዬን አየኹት ፡ (አቤል ዋበላ)
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ጦማሪ አቤል ዋበላ

ቀልድ ያለፈበት ጨዋታ ሆኗል፡፡ አሁን ዘውጉ ተቀይሯል፡፡ ፍጥጥ ግጥጥ ያለ ዕውናዊ ድርሰትን መመልከት ይዘናል፡፡አይን አያየው የለም፡፡ አሁን ደግሞ ገራፊዬን አሳየኝ፡፡ በኮምፒዩተር የኤሌክትሪክ ገመድ ጀርባዬ እስኪቀደድ የገረፈኝን፣ በመጥረጊያ እንጨት ውስጥ እግሬን ያነደደኝን፣ እጄ በካቴና ታስሮ ወለል ላይ ያንከባለለኝን፣ ጨለማ ቤት ውስጥ አስገብቶ ከየት እንደመጣ በማላውቀው ጅራፍ አሳሬን ያበላኝን፣ እናቴን ከመቃብር ጠርቼ “አንቺ እናቴ ለምን ጥሩ ሁን ብለሽ አሳደግሽኝ? ብዙ ክፉ ሰዎች እንዳሉ ለምን አልመከርሽኝም?” ብዬ እንድወቅሳት ያደረገኝን፣ ወንድ፣ የወንዶች ቁና በካቴና የታሰረን ሰው በዕኩለ ሌሊት ጠርቶ አፉ ውስጥ ጨርቅ ወትፎ የሚደበድብ በአይኔ በብረቱ አየኹት፡፡

ዮናታን ተስፋዬ ለጊዜያዊ ቀነ ቀጠሮ አራዳ ፍርድ ቤት እንደሚቀርብ ሰምቼ ነው ወደዚያ የሄድኩት፡፡ ይህችን የተለመደች ሰርከስ ሁሉም የፖለቲካ እስረኛ ይወዛወዛታል፡፡በማዕከላዊ ይጀመራል ከዚያ አራዳ ፍርድ ቤት ይቀጥላል፡፡ የማዕከላዊ ደብዳቢዎች በጨለማ የሚያሰቃዩትን እስረኛ በቀን ሰው መስለው (ወገኞች ናቸው አንዳንዴማ ዩኒፎርምም ያጠልቃሉ) ፍርድ ቤት ያቀርቡታል፡፡ ውሸት ውሸቱን ይቀባጥራሉ፡፡ “ግበረ አበሮቹን በኢንተርፖል እያሳደድን ነው፣ ክቡር ዳኛ በዋስ ከተለለቀቁ ልማታችንን ያደናቅፋሉ፡፡ ወህኒ ሰብረው እስረኛ ያስፈታሉ” የመሳሰሉትን በጠራራ ጸሐይ ይቀባጥራሉ፡፡ እየቀለድኩኝ አይደልም የምሬን ነው እንዲህ አይነት በሬ ወለደ ምክንያት በጆሮዬ ሰምቻለው፡፡ ዳኛውም አብሮ ይተውናል፡፡ የፈለጉትን ቀን ያህል ያራዝማል፡፡

ገራፊዬንም ያየሁት እኔንና ጓደኞቼን እንደነዳው እንዲሁ ተረኛውን ገፈት ቀማሽ ሲያመጣ ነው፡፡ ላንዳፍታ አይኖቻችን ተጋጩ፡፡ አስተውሎኝ ይሁን አይሁን አላውቅም በፍርድ ቤቱ ቢሮዎች መሐል ገብቶ ተሰወረ፡፡ እኔ ግን በእርግጠኝነት ለይቸዋለው፡፡ ውስጤ ዳግም ተቆጣ፡፡ እስር ቤት ብቻዬን ደጋግሜ ባሰብኩት ቁጥር እንደአዲስ የልቤ ቁስል ያመረቅዝ ነበር፡፡ ቂም ስቋጥር እና ስፈታ ከአመት በላይ ቆይቻለው፡፡ ቂም ይዣለው በውድም ሆነ በግድ ኢትዮጵያዊ በሆነ ሁሉ ላይ ቂም ይዣለው፡፡ እንዴት ሰው በሀገሩ ይህንን ጉድ ተሸክሞ ይኖራል? እንዴት እንደዚህ አይነት ተቋም በመዲናይቱ እምብርት ላይ አስቀምጦ ዝም ይላል? ይህን ባርቤሪዝም ጌጡ ካደረገ ማኀበረሰብ ጋር በቀላሉ የማይበርድ ግጭት ውስጥ ነኝ፡፡ ስለዚህ በመንገድ ስታገኙኝ ፊቴ ጥቁር ብሎ ብታገኙኝ “ምን ሆነህ ነው?” አትበሉኝ፡፡ ቂም ይዤ ነው፡፡ ተራ ማኩረፍ አድርጋችኹ አትውሰዱት ስር የሰደደ ከነፍስ የሚቀዳ ጸብ ነው፡፡

በግርፋት የተሰነጠቀውን ጀርባዬ በቅባት ላሹኝ ዕድሜ ለእነ ኤባ ቁስሉ እዛው ማዕከላዊ ነው የዳነው፡፡ የልቤ ስንጥቅ ግን አልዳነም ፡፡ ያ ዘላለም ክብረት “ምድር ብዙ ክፋት የሚፈጸምባት ቦታ ናት በእኛ ላይ የደረሰውም አዲስ ነገር አይደለም” እያለ ብዙ እንዳላዝን ቢመክረኝም ያቄመው ልቤን ሊያሸንፈው አልቻለም ነበር፡፡ የተገኘሁበት፣ ያሳደገኝ ማኀበረሰብ ላይ እንዳቄምኩኝ ከእስር ወጣኹኝ፡፡ ባለፉት አራት ወራት በአንጻራዊ ነጻነት ማሳለፌ ግን ትንሽ እንዳዘናጋኝ የገባኝ ግን በቀደም ገራፊዬን ያየኹት ቀን ነው፡፡ወይ ጊዜ ስንቱን ያስረሳል አልኩኝ፡፡ አሁን ከእስር መፈታት ብርቅ የሆነበት ጊዜ አልፏል፡፡ ቁስሌ ዳግም አመርቅዟል፡፡ ገራፊዬን እና አለቆቹን የያዘው ህንጻ ካልፈረሰ አልያም ሙዚየም ካልሆነ ዕርቅ የማይታሰብ ነው፡፡ ድሮ እስር ቤት ሳለኹኝ በእስረኛ ማጓጓዣ መኪና ወደ ፍርድ ቤት ስንመላለስ በመስኮት ስመለከተው የዕለት ጉርሱን ለማብሰል የሚራኮተው አዳሜ አሁንም ውስጡ ሁኜ ስመለከተው ከሆዱ በቀር የኔ ቁስል ግድ የሰጠው አይመስልም፡፡ ስለዚህ ምን አዲስ ነገር ተፈጠረ ብዬ ይቅር እላለው? ውስጤ የበለጠ ስለሻከረ እምቢኝ ብያለው፡፡ ይህ የአንዲት ነጠላ ነፍስ መብት ነው፡፡ በገዛ ነፍሴ ጥላቻን ማርገዝ መብቴ ነው፡፡ ከፈለጋችኹ ለዐቃቤ ሕግ ንገሩትና በፊት ‘የማኀበረሰቡን ጤና እና ደህንነት ለአደጋ በማጋለጥ’ እንደ ከሰሰኝ አሁን ደግም ‘በማኀበረሰቡ ላይ ስር የሰደደ ጥላቻና ቂም በመቋጠር’ ይክሰሰኝ፡፡

እነ ኤቢሳ አካላዊ ቁስሌን እንደሳምራዊው ሰው በቅባት እንዳሹልኝ አሁን ደግሞ ዘመዶቻቸው የተሰበረ መንፈሴን የቆሰለ እኔነቴን ሊጥገኑ ተነስተዋል፡፡ የእነኤቢሳ፣ የእነቶፊቅ እና የእነ ቶላ ዘመዶች እኔን ከህመሜ ሊያድኑኝ ደማቸውን እየከፈሉ መሆናቸውን ድፍን ፌስቡክ እየተመለከተው ነው፡፡ አዲስ አበቤ “አገር ሊያፈርሱ ነው ኢትዮጵያ የምትባል ሀገር አትኖርም” ቅብርጥሴ ቅብርጥሴ ቢልም እኔ ግን ከሚፈርሰው አገር ከፒያሳ ከፍ ብሎ ያለው ማዕከላዊ ጎልቶ ይታየኛል፡፡ ስለዚህ በመሬት ላይ ዋጋ እየከፈሉ ያሉትን ወገኖቼን ይቅር ብያለው፡፡ ከነዚህ በቀር ሌላው ማኀበረሰብ “እርሱ” አይደለም “እኔ” ራሱ ይቅርታን አያገኛትም፡፡ አራዳ ፍርድ ቤት መሄዴ አይቀርም፡፡ በማዕከላዊ በርም አልፋለው፡፡ በየጊዜው እየሄደኩኝ ከገራፊዎቼ አንዱን እያየው ጥላቻዬን እያደስኩኝ እመጣለው፡፡ ቁስሉ ይበልጥ እንዲቆጠቁጠኝ ወደገራፊዬ ተጠግቼ አይኖቹን በአይኖቼ አድናለው፡፡ አይገርምም ግን ………….…ገራፊዬ እስካሁን እዚያው ነው፡፡

Ethiopia: No Let Up in Crackdown on Protests

Killings, Detention of Protesters Enter Fourth Month

(Nairobi) – Ethiopian security forces are violently suppressing the largely peaceful protests in the Oromia region that began in November 2015. Almost daily accounts of killings and arbitrary arrests have been reported to Human Rights Watch since 2016 began.
Security forces, including military personnel, have fatally shot scores of demonstrators. Thousands of people have been arrested and remain in detention without charge. While the frequency of protests appears to have decreased in the last few weeks, the crackdown continues.
Protesters in Oromia region, Ethiopia.
Protesters in Oromia region, Ethiopia, December 2015.
“Flooding Oromia with federal security forces shows the authorities’ broad disregard for peaceful protest by students, farmers and other dissenters,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to rein in the security forces, free anyone being held wrongfully, and hold accountable soldiers and police who used excessive force.”
The Ethiopian government has said that the situation in Oromia is largely under control following the government’s retraction on January 12 of the proposed “Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan.” The controversial proposal to expand the municipal boundaries of the capital, Addis Ababa, into farmland in Oromia sparked the initial demonstrations.
The plan’s cancellation did not halt the protests however, and the crackdown continued throughout Oromia. In late January 2016, Human Rights Watch interviewed approximately 60 protesters and other witnesses from various parts of the Oromia region in December and January who described human rights violations during the protests, some since mid-January. They said that security forces have shot randomly into crowds, summarily killed people during arrests, carried out mass roundups, and tortured detainees.
Women mourn during the funeral ceremony of a primary school teacher who family members said was shot dead by military forces during protests in Oromia, Ethiopia in December 2015. December 17, 2015.
Women mourn during the funeral ceremony of a primary school teacher who family members said was shot dead by military forces during protests in Oromia, Ethiopia in December 2015. December 17, 2015.
While there have been some reports of violence during the protests, including the destruction of some foreign-owned farms and looting of some government buildings, most of the protests since November have been peaceful. On February 12, federal security forces fired on a bus after a wedding, killing four people, provoking further protests. A February 15 clash between federal security forces and armed men believed to be local police or militias, resulted in the deaths of seven security officers, according to the government.
On January 10, security forces threw a grenade at students at Jimma University in western Oromia, injuring dozens, eyewitnesses reported. Multiple witnesses told Human Rights Watch that security forces stormed dormitories at Jimma University on January 10 and 11, with mass arrests and beatings of Oromo students.
Security forces have arrested students, teachers, government officials, businesspeople, opposition politicians, healthcare workers, and people who provide assistance or shelter to fleeing students. Because primary and secondary school students in Oromia were among the first to protest, many of those arrested have been children, under age 18.
Security forces harassing students in Oromia, January 2016.
Security forces harassing students in Oromia, January 2016.
“They walked into the compound and shot three students at point-blank range,” one 17-year-old student said describing security force reaction to students chanting against the master plan. “They were hit in the face and were dead.”
Human Rights Watch spoke to 20 people who had been detained since the protests began on November 12, none of whom had been taken before a judge. Fourteen people said they were beaten in detention, sometimes severely. Several students said they were hung up by their wrists while they were whipped. An 18-year-old student said he was given electric shocks to his feet. All the students interviewed said that the authorities accused them of mobilizing other students to join the protests. Several women who were detained alleged that security officers sexually assaulted and otherwise mistreated them in detention.
The descriptions fit wider patterns of torture and ill-treatment of detainees that Human Rights Watch and other rights groups have documented in Oromia’s many official and secret detention facilities. Numerous witnesses and former detainees said that security forces are using businesses and government buildings in West Shewa and Borana zones as makeshift detention centers.
At time of writing, some schools and universities remain closed throughout Oromia because the authorities have arrested teachers and closed facilities to prevent further protests, or students do not attend as a form of protest or because they fear arrest. Many students said they were released from detention on the condition that they would not appear in public with more than one other individual, and several said they had to sign a document making this commitment as a condition for their release.
Human Rights Watch has not been able to verify the total numbers of people killed and arrested given restrictions on access and independent reporting in Ethiopia. Activists allege that more than 200 people have been killed since November 12, based largely on material collated from social media videos, photos, and web posts. Available information suggests that several thousand people have been arrested, many of whose whereabouts are unknown, which would be a forcible disappearance.
Human Rights Watch has documented 12 additional killings previously unreported. Most of these occurred in Arsi and Borana Zones in southern Oromia, where protests have also been taking place but have received less attention than elsewhere. This suggests that the scale of the protests and abuses across Oromia may be greater than what has been reported, Human Rights Watch said.
The Ethiopian government’s pervasive restrictions on independent civil society groups and media have meant that very little information is coming from affected areas. However, social media contains photos and videos of the protests, particularly from November and December.
The Oromia Media Network (OMN) has played a key role in disseminating information throughout Oromia during the protests. OMN is a diaspora-based television station that relays content, primarily in the Afan Oromo language, via satellite, and recently started broadcasting on shortwave radio. The Ethiopian government has reportedly jammed OMN 15 times since it began operations in 2014, in contravention of international regulations. Two business owners told Human Rights Watch they were arrested for showing OMN in their places of business. Federal police destroyed satellites dishes that were receiving OMN in many locations. Students said they were accused of providing videos for social media and of communicating information to the OMN. Arrests and fear of arrest has resulted in less information on abuses coming out of Oromia over the last month.
The Ethiopian government should end the excessive use of force by the security forces, free everyone detained arbitrarily, and conduct an independent investigation into killings and other security force abuses, Human Rights Watch said. Those responsible for serious rights violations should be appropriately prosecuted and victims of abuses should receive adequate compensation.
On January 21, the European Parliament passed a strong resolution condemning the crackdown. There has been no official statement from the United Kingdom, and the United States has not condemned the violence, instead focusing on the need for public consultation and dialogue in two statements. Otherwise, few governments have publicly raised concerns about the government’s actions. As two of Ethiopia’s most influential partners, the United Kingdom and the United States should be doing more to halt the violent crackdown and to call for an independent investigation into the abuses, Human Rights Watch said.
“Ethiopia’s donor countries have responded tepidly, if at all, to the killing of scores of protesters in Oromia,” Lefkow said. “They should stop ignoring or downplaying this shocking brutality and call on the government to support an independent investigation into the killings and other abuses.”
For additional information and accounts from eyewitnesses and victims, please see below.
Student protests in Oromia began on November 12, 2015, in Ginchi, a small town 80 kilometers southwest of Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, when authorities sought to clear a forest for an investment project. The protests soon spread throughout the Oromia region and broadened to include concerns over the proposed expansion of the Addis Ababa municipal boundary, known as the “Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan.” Farmers and others joined the protest movement as the protests continued into December.
Many protesters allege that the government’s violent response and the rising death toll changed the focus of the protests to the killing and arrest of protesters and decades of historic Oromo grievances came to the forefront. Oromia is home to most of Ethiopia’s estimated 35 million Oromo, the country’s largest ethnic group. Many Oromo feel marginalized and discriminated against by successive Ethiopian governments. Ethnic Oromo who express dissent are often arrested and tortured or otherwise ill-treated in detention, accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front, which has waged a limited armed struggle against the government and which parliament has designated a terrorist organization.
On December 16, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said that the government “will take merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilizing the area.” The same day, the government communication affairs office minister, Getachew Reda, said that “an organized and armed terrorist force aiming to create havoc and chaos has begun murdering model farmers, public leaders and other ethnic groups residing in the region.” Since that time, federal security forces, including the army and the federal police, have led the law enforcement response in Oromia.
On January 12, the ruling coalition’s Oromia affiliate, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), announced on state television that the “Addis Ababa Master Plan” would be cancelled. While the decision was an unprecedented change of policy, people Human Rights Watch interviewed suggest that there has been confusion over the actual status of the plan and whether government will follow through with the cancellation.
After the Addis Ababa master plan had originally been announced in 2014, protests occurred throughout Oromia, which security forces dispersed using live ammunition, killing at least several dozen people. Hundreds were arrested. Many of the arrested remain in custody without charge. Most of the approximately 25 students that Human Rights Watch interviewed from the 2014 protests who had been detained alleged torture and other ill-treatment. Many formerly detained students have not been permitted to return to their universities. On December 2, 2015, five Oromo students were convicted under the counterterrorism law for their role in the 2014 protests. There has been no government investigation into the use of excessive and lethal force during the 2014 protests.
Summary Killings, Unnecessary Lethal Force 
In the early weeks of the 2015 protests, security forces who responded to the demonstrations were largely Oromia regional police, who used teargas against protesters, although with some incidents involving live ammunition. Many of the killings initially reported occurred after dark when security forces went house-to-house searching for protesters. They killed some students who tried to flee and others in scuffles during arrests, while the exact circumstances of many deaths are unknown.
Under international human rights standards, law enforcement officials may only use lethal force in self-defense or to prevent an imminent threat to another’s life.
After a December 16 announcement by the prime minister that the government would “take merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilizing the area,” witnesses said federal police and military forces were deployed in more parts of Oromia alongside the regional police. Many protesters alleged that the federal police and soldiers fired into crowds.
Wako – a 17-year-old protester from West Shewa whose name, along with others, has been changed for his protection, described the change:
During the first protest [in mid-November], the Oromia police tried to convince us to go home. We refused so they broke it up with teargas and arrested many. Several days later we had another protest. This time the [federal police] had arrived. They fired many bullets into the air. When people did not disperse they fired teargas, and then in the confusion we heard the sounds of more bullets and students started falling next to me. My friend [name withheld] was killed by a bullet. He wasn’t targeted, they were just shooting randomly into the crowd.
Gudina, a 16-year-old Grade 10 student from Arsi Negelle, described the authorities’ response to a protest in early December:
All the schools got together and took to the streets. As we protested, teargas was thrown, we kept marching and then from behind us we heard bullets, many students were hit and fell screaming. One very young student from my school I saw had been shot in throat and blood was pouring. I have dreams every night of that student.
Protesters from Arsi, West Shewa, Borana, and East Wollega zones all described similar events in which security forces, predominantly federal police, shot into crowds with live ammunition, especially since mid-December. They gave little or no warning about using teargas and live ammunition.
Three high school students from Arsi who were interviewed separately described an incident at their school. Kuma, a 17-year-old student, said:
We heard a Grade 6 student was killed in [neighboring village]. To show our solidarity we decided to protest. When the different classes came together and started marching toward the government office, security forces moved toward us. They threw teargas, and then we heard the sound of gunfire. My friend [name withheld] was shot in the chest, I saw him go down and bleeding. We ran away and I never looked back. His mother told me later he had been killed. He was 17 years old.
Security forces entered a school compound near Shashemene apparently to discourage their participation in a planned protest. Gameda, a 17-year-old Grade 9 student, said:
We had planned to protest. At 8 a.m., Oromia police came into the school compound. They arrested four students [from Grades 9-11], the rest of us were angry and started chanting against the police. Somebody threw a stone at the police and they quickly left and came back an hour later with the federal police. They walked into the compound and shot three students at point-blank range. They were hit in the face and were dead. They took the bodies away. They held us in our classrooms for the rest of the morning, and then at noon they came in and took about 20 of us including me.
Arbitrary Arrests, Detention
Several dozen people told Human Rights Watch about friends and colleagues who had been arrested without a valid basis, including many whose whereabouts remain unknown. Fifteen protesters from various parts of Oromia described their own arrests. Usually in the evening following a daytime protest, security forces would go door-to-door arresting students, including many who had not participated, including an 8-year-old in the Borana zone on January 9. They primarily targeted men and boys, but many women and girls were also arrested. Those arrested were taken to police stations, military barracks, and makeshift detention centers.
Kuma, a Grade 7 student from Borana zone, was arrested in early December, held for five days in an unknown location, and beaten with a wooden stick:
They said to me “Why were you in the demonstration? This means you do not like the government. Why? We do good for you.” Then they kept saying we had relations with the OLF [Oromo Liberation Front, which the government considers to be a terrorist group]. What does demonstrating have to do with the OLF? I was released after signing a paper that I would not go in public with more than one person. Many people in our town were released after signing this paper. Several days later there was another protest, I didn’t go, but knew I would be arrested again. I sat at home hearing gunshots all day long hoping I didn’t know any of those that would be killed.
Gameda, a Grade 7 student, said he was arrested at his school compound on the day of a planned protest:
For 10 days I was held at the police station. For the first three days, they would beat me each night on the back and legs with a wooden stick and ask me about who was behind the protests and whether I was a member of the OLF. I was released and several weeks later the protests started again in our town. They arrested me again. Same beatings, same questions. My family bribed the police and I was released.
The authorities have imposed collective punishment on people deemed to have been helping protesters. Lelisa, a woman who assisted students fleeing the security forces in Arsi in early December, said:
I wasn’t at the protests but I heard gunfire all day long and into the night. Students were running away and hiding themselves. Ten students came to me and asked for help so I hid them from the police. The police were going door-to-door at night arresting students. They came to my house, arrested all the boys and I convinced them that the three girls were my daughters. Then an hour later they came back and arrested my husband. They beat him in front of me, when I begged them not to kill him they kicked me and hit me with the butt of their gun. They took him away. I have heard nothing from him since.
Negasu, an owner of a private school, said he was arrested because students at his school were involved in the protest:
I owned a private school in [location withheld]. The students protested but the police did not break it up violently, they just filmed it and then arrested many people at night. Four of the protesters were from my school. So the police came at night and arrested me and took me to a military camp [name withheld]. For five days I was held in a dark hole by myself. It was freezing and they did not feed me for two days. I was beaten each night and accused of giving money to opposition groups, to the Oromo Federalist Congress and to OLF. They also accused me of posting videos to social media and sending to OMN. They just make things up. They closed my school and froze my bank account. They took my house also. Now I have nothing and the students are either going through what I did in detention or are not able to go to school because it’s been closed.
Students who were perceived to be vocal or had family histories of opposing government were particularly at risk. Lencho, 25, said:
I was known to be vocal and was a leader among the students. My father was known to oppose the government. I did not even participate in the protests because of fear but I was identified as one of the mobilizers. I was arrested, and when I got to the police station I saw local government officials, a local Oromo artist [singer], my teacher, and all of the outspoken students of our high school. They were arresting those that they thought were influential. I don’t even think any of them were in the protests because of fear.
Prominent Oromo intellectuals, including senior members of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), a registered political party, have also been arrested. On December 23, Deputy Chairman Bekele Gerba was arrested at his home and taken to Addis Ababa’s Maekelawi prison, where torture and other ill-treatment have been documented. On January 22, he appeared in court, and prosecutors were granted an additional 28 days for investigation, suggesting he is being investigated under the abusive Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. Bekele has been a moderate voice in Oromia politics and a staunch advocate for non-violence.
In addition to those perceived to be actively involved in the protests, security forces have arrested influential people, including prominent Oromo businessman, teachers, professors, and numerous singers and artists. One teacher said:
The students protested. At night they came and arrested many of them, my students were calling me all night to tell me the police were at their door. Then I heard that most of the teachers had been arrested, too. I was away from town at the time. Then the woreda[district] administrator called and told me I was to be held responsible for my student’s behavior since I did not talk them out of it. I had already been in trouble because I did not attend a workshop at the school on the master plan and how we were to convince students it was good for them.
A well-known Oromo singer, now living in exile, said:
I released a song on Youtube [in December] that spoke about the protests and the need for students to stop the silence and speak out about the abuses our people face. I had been arrested three times previously for my songs. My songs have always focused on Oromo history and culture but I was always careful for the songs not to be seen as political in any way. But they arrest you anyway. After my third detention, I stopped censoring myself and spoke openly through my music. Hours after my song was released, I got word from the local administrator that I was to be arrested so I ran away from my home and haven’t been back.
An Ethiopian intelligence official acknowledged to Human Rights Watch in January 2016 that targeting public figures was a deliberate government policy. “It is important to target respected Oromos,” he said. “Anyone that has the ability to mobilize Oromos will be targeted, from the highest level like Bekele, to teachers, respected students, and Oromo artists.”
Human Rights Watch also interviewed a number of students who had been detained during the 2014 protests, eventually released, and then were arrested again as soon as the protests began in November 2015. Some described horrendous treatment in detention. Waysira, a then-second year university student, said:
[In 2014] I was arrested for two weeks. I was stripped to my underwear and beaten with sticks. They applied electric wires to my back. They wanted me to admit being OLF and to say where my brother was – who they suspect was OLF. Eventually they released me. I wasn’t allowed to go back to school, so I have been sitting around doing nothing ever since. I went back to my family’s village. When the protests started again in Oromia, they came to my house and arrested me again. There hadn’t been protests in that area, but there were on the campus I had been suspended from. They accused me of mobilizing students, and beat me for two days. Then I was released. They wanted to target anyone they thought might be thinking of protesting.
Torture, Ill-Treatment in Detention
All of the students interviewed who had been detained said the authorities interrogated them about who was behind the protests and about their family history. They said interrogators accused them of having connections to opposition groups – typically the legally registered Oromo Federalist Congress and the banned Oromo Liberation Front. Interrogators accused some students of providing information to diaspora or international media and a number of students said their phones, Facebook accounts, and email accounts were searched during detention. These descriptions of interrogation match patterns Human Rights Watch has documented in Oromia over several years.
Tolessa, a first-year university student from Adama University, said:
It was the evening after the protest. We were recovering from the teargas and trying to find out who had been shot during the protest. Then the security forces stormed the dormitories. They blindfolded 17 of us from my floor and drove us two hours into the countryside. We were put into an unfinished building for nine days. Each night they would take us out one by one, beat us with sticks and whips, and ask us about who was behind the protests and whether we were members of the OLF. I told them I don’t even know who the OLF are but treating students this way will drive people toward the OLF. They beat me very badly for that. We would hear screams all night long. When I went to the bathroom, I saw students being hung by their wrists from the ceiling and being whipped. There was over a hundred students I saw. The interrogators were not from our area. We had to speak Amharic [the national language]. If we spoke Oromo they would get angry and beat us more.
Meti, in her 20s, was arrested in late December for selling traditional Oromo clothes the day after a protest in East Wollega:
I was arrested and spent one week at the police station. Each night they pulled me out and beat me with a dry stick and rubber whip. Then I was taken to [location withheld]. I was kept in solitary confinement. On three separate occasions I was forced to take off my clothes and parade in front of the officers while I was questioned about my link with the OLF. They threatened to kill me unless I confessed to being involved with organizing the protests. I was asked why I was selling Oromo clothes and jewelry. They told me my business symbolizes pride in being Oromo and that is why people are coming out [to protest]. At first I was by myself in a dark cell, but then I was with all the other girls that had been arrested during the protest.
A 22-year-old woman told Human Rights Watch she was arrested the night of a protest in late December and taken to what she described as a military camp in the Borana zone. She was held in solitary confinement in total darkness. She said she was raped on three occasions in her cell by unidentified men during her two-week detention. On each occasion, she believed there were two men involved. She was frequently pulled out of her cell and interrogated about her involvement in the protests and the whereabouts of her two brothers, who the interrogators suggested were mobilizing students. She was released on the condition that she would bring her two brothers to security officials for questioning.
Right to Health, Education
The authorities have targeted health workers for arrest during the protests, and as a result some wounded protesters have been unable to get treatment. Demiksa, a student from Eastern Wollega, said that he was refused medical treatment in late December for his injured arm and face after he was pushed to the ground in a panic when Oromia regional police fired teargas at protesters: “[The health workers] said they couldn’t treat me. The day before security forces had arrested two of their colleagues because they were treating protesters. They were accused of providing health care to the opposition.”
Health workers said security forces harassed them and arrested some of their colleagues because they posted photos on social media showing their arms crossed in what has become a symbol of the protest movement. A health worker in East Wollega said he had been forced at gunpoint to treat a police officer’s minor injuries while student protesters with bullet wounds were left unattended. The health worker said at least one of those students died from his injuries that evening.
Many students said the local government closed schools to prevent students from mobilizing, or because teachers had been arrested. Some students said they were afraid to go to class or were refusing to go to school as a form of protest against the government. Four students who had been detained said that security officials told them that they would not be allowed to return to their university. A Grade 6 student who said she had the highest marks in her class the previous year said that the principal told her she would not be allowed to go back to school because she attended the protests. As a result, she decided to flee Ethiopia.
Human Rights Watch previously documented cases of students who were suspended after they participated in the 2014 protests, a pattern that is also emerging in the aftermath of the current protests.
Source: HRW

A Special “Message in a Bottle” to Ethiopian Cheetahs

Born Free, Live Free!

(Classified: For Ethiopian Cheetahs’ Eyes Only)

My first “Message” from 2013

This is my second special message to Ethiopia’s “Cheetah Generation”, Ethiopia’s young people, in three years.Ethiopian Cheetahs

In January 2013, I wrote a new year’s message in which I dedicated that year to Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation.

I described Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation comprising of not only graduates and professionals — the “best and the brightest” — but also the huddled masses of youth yearning to breathe free.

I called for dialogue that is inclusive of the millions of youth victimized by T-TPLF (Thugtagtorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front) nepotism, cronyism, corruption and human rights violations.

I called for the release of the moral leaders of Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation and T-TPLF political prisoners including  Eskinder Nega, Andualem Aragie, Woubshet Alemu, Reeyot Alemu, Bekele Gerba, Olbana Lelisa and so many others like them.

In my 2013 message, I  declared Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation is the only generation that could rescue Ethiopia from the steel claws of T-TPLF tyranny and dictatorship. It is the only generation that can deliver Ethiopia from the venomous fangs of a benighted dictatorship and sweep away a decaying and decomposing garrison state built on a foundation of lies and corruption into the dustbin of history.

In my message I also called upon Ethiopia’s Cheetahs to begin an informal dialogue among themselves and to define their own terms of national reconciliation.

I urged them to empower themselves and create their own political space and to talk one-on-one across ethnic, religious, linguistic, gender, regional and class lines.

I underscored the importance of closing the gender gap and maximizing the participation of young women in the national reconciliation conversations. I tried to make the point supported by social scientific evidence that women do a far superior job than men when it comes to conciliation, reconciliation and mediation. I further counselled that dialogue involves not only talking to each other but also listening to one another. I urged Ethiopia’s Cheetahs to use their diversity as a strength and must never allow their diversity to be used to divide and conquer them.

What has happened in the past three years?

I believe Ethiopia’s Cheetahs have fully awakened. Some Cheetahs are purring in anger and standing up to the T-TPLF defiantly as we continue to witness today. Others are hissing and growling. Ethiopian Cheetahs are not happy. That’s why they are prowling all over the country confronting hyenas.

My new “challenge message in a bottle” to Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation

I believe Ethiopia’s “Hippo Generation” (of which I am a member, certainly not by choice) has completely failed Ethiopia’s Cheetah generation.

George Ayittey correctly described Africa’s “Hippo Generation” as “intellectually astigmatic and stuck in their muddy colonialist pedagogical patch. They can see with eagle-eyed clarity the injustices perpetrated by whites against blacks, but they are hopelessly blind to the more heinous injustices they perpetrate against their own black people…”

We Ethiopian Hippos have been stuck in our muddy patch mindlessly spinning our wheels in the destructive politics of  ethnicity, sectarianism, fear and loathing.

We have been politically comatose for sometime now. We churn out the same old stale and discredited ideas of the past.  We shamelessly dance to the T-TPLF limbo in a race to the bottom. Our influence on Ethiopia’s Cheetahs has been regressive, uninspiring, visionless and completely void of creativity.

We Hippos leave the Cheetah Generation a legacy of failure, suspicion, distrust, disunity, discord, discontent, discouragement, disenchantment, disillusionment and self-doubt.

Hold on!

The foregoing may sound like a categorical accusation by a self-righteous Hippo against every member of Ethiopia’s Hippo Generation. Actually, it is a personal confession of just one Hippo. As I point my index finger at the rest, I am painfully aware that three fingers are pointing at me.

Confession in certain traditions is usually followed by an act of penance (a word that has roots in repentance), a redemptive act performed to correct and overcome past mistakes through good works.

It is my self-imposed “penance” henceforth to directly engage and challenge Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation to rise up and meet their future. (I admit I sound sanctimonious, preachy and holier-than-thou in doing my “penance”. But I consider myself a work in progress. I will improve with time.)

In ongoing “messages in a bottle” this year, I aim to challenge Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation to open their minds and to think for themselves, press them to ask the right and hard questions and to let their imaginations run wild about living as free men and women.

In formulating these challenges, I am inspired by Albert Einstein who once observed, “If I had an hour to solve a problem I’d spend 55 minutes thinking about the problem and 5 minutes thinking about solutions.”

I think what Einstein meant was that the more time one spends understanding a problem, the more likely one is to find the most effective solution(s) and resolution(s) to problem(s). It is my observation that most of us (beginning with me) already have the solutions to all of Ethiopia’s problems from removing tyranny to rooting out poverty. I would say most of our “solutions” are the result of half-baked, short-sighted, sterile and ill-conceived questions.

Einstein also observed, “Imagination is more important than knowledge. For knowledge is limited to all we now know and understand, while imagination embraces the entire world, and all there ever will be to know and understand.” More poetically, George Bernard Shaw said, “You see things; and you say, ‘Why?’ But I dream things that never were; and I say, ‘Why not?’” That is the kind of imagination I am talking about.

I think what Einstein meant was that human potential and destiny is not determined just by what we know, but also by what we can imagine. It was Einstein who asked the supremely beautiful imaginary question, “What if I can ride a beam of light across the universe?” Just imagine that!!!

I would not urge Ethiopia’s Cheetah generation to ride a beam of light across the universe.

I just want them to fly. I want them to fly away from the enslaving politics of ethnicity.  Fly free from tyranny. Free from corruption and human righst violations.

Not long ago, The Economist magazine asked a question that has been on my mind for years. The question hit me like a thunderbolt: “What if Ethiopian were really set free?”

The Economist answered its own question: “If the government let [the Ethiopian] people breathe, they might fly.”

I “spent 55 minutes” thinking about the “breathing” problem of the Ethiopian people. Then I spent “5 minutes thinking about solutions.”

I took a flight of imagination in my commentary, “Fly, Ethiopia, fly… Fly Cheetahs, fly high in the sky…”

If Ethiopians could fly, I said, they would not have to take to the sea to die. Ethiopian women wouldn’t have to fly to the Middle East to become virtual slaves. They would not have to cross the desert and become victims of bloodthirsty terrorists. They would not have to go into exile. If they could fly, they would soar like the African fish eagles, like African seagulls. They would lift their wings high, high into the sky and fly. They would flutter like humming birds.

That is why I aim to engage Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation on a sustained basis this year.

I want them to fly sky high on the wings of critical analysis. I want them to ask all the right and hard questions from as many angles as possible as they think about the seemingly insurmountable problems facing Ethiopia. I want them to take flight in their imagination. I want to challenge them to imagine a new Ethiopia that is their own creation free of ethnic politics, sectarianism and hate. I want them to imagine an Ethiopia at peace with itself and its neighbors; an Ethiopia free of oppression and thugtatorship. I want them to imagine a utopia Ethiopia, an Eutopia.

I want to challenge Every Ethiopian Cheetah to become an “Ethiopian Imagineer” — an architect, a designer, an inventor, a surveyor, a builder and entrepreuer of a free Ethiopian society whose citizens are more concerned about each other’s humanity than their own ethnicity; an Ethiopia of equal opportunity; an Ethiopia free of corruption, oppression and thugtgatorship.

I use the metaphor “message in a bottle” to signify the fact that I stuff my message (commentary) in a bottle and release it in the “ocean” called cyberspace or the internet hoping that Ethiopian Cheetahs the world over will find it randomly, uncork the bottle and read it.

I do not know how many will get to read my message. I am hopeful many will. I am sure some will agree with me and and others  disagree. I do not seek agreement or disagreement. The object of my message is to challenge Ethiopia’s young people to dare to ask the right questions, to dare to know the truth (their own truth) and to dare to imagine a new country.

Ethiopian Cheetahs: You were born free but to live free you must liberate your mind from the shackles of “ethnic federalism”

The Question: What is “ethnic federalism”?

The “PREAMBLE” to the T-TPLF constitution provides a ready answer: “We the Nations, Nationalities and People of Ethiopia…” have written the constitution to 1) “secure the right to self-determination” for “people of the nations and nationalities”, 2) ensure the territorial insularity (separateness) of the “people of the nations and nationalities” so that they can “live with our rich and proud cultural legacies” 3) “rectify historically unjust relationships”, and  4) facilitate “liv[ing] as one economic community”. (See also Art. 39.)

I shall argue and supply evidence to support my contention that Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation should reject wholly  T-TPLF’s “ethnic federalism”.

The summary of my argument is as follows:  “Ethnic federalism” is the “kinder and gentler” name for the new and improved apartheid in the 21stcentury Africa.  The T-TPLF’s “kilil” (Kilil-istan) is a modern version of apartheid’s  Bantustan, an ethnic reservation. When the minority white apartheid government created the Bantustans in South Africa, their principal aim was to create a “homeland” for the people of South Africa based on race, language, geography, ethnicity, culture, etc. The ultimate aim was that the Bantustans was that they will one day become their own countries (exercise “self-determination”) and the whites would have their own country as well, unsurprisingly, in full possession of the most productive land in the country.

The Amharic word “kilil” in the context of “ethnic federalism” signifies an area of land designated specifically for the exclusive use and management of  members of a group sharing similar language, history, culture, etc. “Kilil” signifies an enclosure, a defined boundary, territory and land mass.  The T-TPLF is designed, devised, invented, contrived and blueprinted its “ethnic federalism” for the single purpose of creating  perpetual geographic division and disunion among the Ethiopian people by corralling them like cattle into insular “nations and nationalities”. By constitutionally segregating the people of Ethiopia into communal, linguistic, cultural and regional groups, the T-TPLF put a clever that would permanently and irreversibly destroy the social glue and fabric of tolerance, harmony and understanding that has kept the Ethiopian people united as one people for millenia.

Under the so-called Article 39, the ultimate aim of T-TPLF’s  ethnic federalism is to ethnically divide Ethiopia and make it the proverbial Humpty Dumpty who “sat on a wall, and had a great fall. All the king’s horses and all the king’s men, couldn’t put Humpty together again.”

When Ethiopia falls from the “kilil” walls the T-TPLF has created, it will not be the king’s horses and men who will put her back together. It will be Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation inspired by God who will!

I believe the most serious existential problem (the mother of all social, political, economic problems in Ethiopia) of Ethiopia today is, without question, “ethnic federalism”.

The T-TPLF understood that five separate fingers on a hand are far less powerful than the clenched fist that is formed when the five fingers come together in the center of the palm. The T-TPLF constitutionalized “ethnic federalism” as permanent strategy to keep the “five fingers” of Ethiopia from ever coming together to make a fist in T-TPLF’s face and to rule perpetually by keeping the fingers separate.

Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation must critically understand, evaluate and decide whether they want to accept T-TPLF’s  “ethnic federalism”.

First and foremost, I challenge the Cheetahs to declare whether they agree with the bedrock assumptions of the T-TPLF  on “Ethiopia”.

Assumption No. 1. There is no such thing as an Ethiopian nation because Ethiopia is an aggregation of “nations, nationalities and peoples.” There is only a make believe confederation of “nations and nationalities” trapped in a mythical land called “Ethiopia” just waiting, yearning and itching to breakup into tribal chieftaincies and principalities. The whole is not greater than the sum of its parts because the parts could never amount to a whole.

The T-TPLF constitution self-proclaims to be a weapon for “rectifying historical injustices”. It arms the “nations and nationalities” with the nuclear option of “self-determination” for the “rectification” of  perceived historical injustices. The “nations and nationalities” are each given the switch box for their own nuclear weapon of mass destruction and literally blow up themselves and the entire country into smithereens.

Assumption No. 2.  There is no Ethiopian culture. There are diversity of cultures that are self-contained and mutually exclusive. The whole idea of unity in diversity in T-TPLF’s ethnic federalism is the practice of diversity in exclusivity, animosity and insensitivity.

Assumption No. 3. There is no Ethiopian history. A people without a history is a people without a past and without a future. T-TPLF mastermind the late Meles Zenawi in 1993 told an interviewer, “Ethiopia is only 100 years old. Those who claim otherwise are indulging themselves in fairy tales.” According to T-TPLF’s ethnic federalism, there is only the history of “nations, nationalities and peoples.”

Assumption No. 4.  There is no “Ethiopian national identity.” National identity is one’s sense of belonging to one state or to one nation. It is the sense of a nation as a cohesive whole, as represented by distinctive traditions, culture, language and politics. As far as I have been able to determine, Ethiopians are the only people in the world who are officially required by “law” to state their ethnicity in their interactions with regime authorities. Could there be a greater insult, a greater humiliation for a citizen of a country to be required to declare his/her ethnicity every time they seek to get public services?!

Surveys show British citizens “feel British”. The French people “feel French”. The same for Brazilians, Indians, Egyptians and so on.

The American people “feel American” before they feel African American, Polish American, Japanese American and so on.

Under the crushing boots of the T-TPLF, do people living in Ethiopia “feel Ethiopian”? Do they even feel “Oromo Ethiopian”, “Amhara Ethiopian”, “Tigrean Ethiopian” and so on?

Or do they just feel their ethnicity without their nationality, without their humanity?

Assumption No. 5. There is no “Ethiopian flag” as a symbol of national identity, pride and patriotism.  Meles Zenawi in response to questions put to him about T-TPLF position on the flag said repeatedly said the “Ethiopian flag is a piece of rag.”

The vast majority of Americans respect and take pride in their flag. They nicknamed their flag “Old Glory”.  In most public, sporting and patriotic events, they sing “The Star-Spangled Banner” as they raise Old Glory. In the last three lines of the lyrics, they sing: “And this be our motto – ‘In God is our trust,’/ And the star-spangled banner in triumph shall wave/ O’er the land of the free and the home of the brave.” That essentially defines “feeling American” for most Americans regardless of which corner of the world they or their ancestors came from.

Do “Ethiopians” feel the same way about a green, yellow and red flag with a blue pentagram in the middle of it? Why can’t Ethiopia be “land of the free and the home of the brave”? I don’t think the Americans have a monopoly on that.

(Just as an aside: I have never been able to figure out why the T-TPLF used a pentagram (a star encased in a circle) in the middle of their flag. The pentagram is the quintessential global symbol of the followers of the Prince of Darkness. No other country in the world has a flag with a pentagram in it. How odd, indeed!)

Assumption No. 6. There is no “Ethiopian Dream”.  There is only a T-TPLF nightmare. The T-TPLF controls the economy, the politics and society. No one can inhale or exhale without the T-TPLF breathing down their backs. One can’t dream in a nightmare!

To understand T-TPLF’s ethnic federalism as modern day apartheid, Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation must study the history of apartheid laws creating and maintaining Bantustans in South Africa. The T-TPLF devised their “ethnic federalism” straight out of the apartheid playbook. In fact, ethnic federalism is a kinder and gentler version of South Africa’s apartheid state based on separate development of the people of South Africa.

My aim here is not to show discrete similarities and differences between Apartheid laws and T-TPLF “Proclamations”. If need be, I can do that with ease, expedition and pleasure. But I am merely trying to make the simple point that the white minority government in South Africa took calculated legislative measure to dispossess the majority Black African population and completely dominate the economy just like what the T-TPLF is doing in Ethiopia today by completely owning the land in the country.

The 1995 T-TPLF constitution declares, “The right to ownership of rural and urban land, as well as of all natural resources, is exclusively vested in the State and in the peoples of Ethiopia. Land is a common property of the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia and shall not be subject to sale or to other means of exchange.” (Article 40(3).)

If the state has exclusive ownership of rural and urban land in Ethiopia, then the obvious question is: Who has exclusive and complete ownership of the state in Ethiopia today?

Who has exclusively owned and operated the state in Ethiopia for the past 25 years?

In the Bantu Land Act of 1913 (originally The Natives Land Act, 1913 [Act No. 27 of 1913], the white settlers created a system of land tenure that deprived the majority of South Africa’s inhabitants of the right to own land which had major socio-economic repercussions. The Bantu Land Act created a “system of local government and administration, under apartheid, entrenched separate development and the balkanisation of the South African state into different ‘native reserves.’… The Act created a system of land tenure that deprived the majority of South Africans the right to own land.”

The Bantu Authorities Act, 1951(“Black Authorities Act, 1951”)  created the legal basis for the deportation of blacks into designated homeland reserve areas and established tribal, regional and territorial authorities. This Act was subsequently augmented by the Bantu Homelands Citizenship Act, 1970 (“Black States Citizenship Act & National States Citizenship Act, 1970) which sought to change the legal status of the inhabitants of the Bantustans by effectively denaturalizing them from enjoying  citizenship rights as South Africans. These laws imposed draconian restrictions on the freedom of movement of black South Africans.  These laws further sought to ensure that white South Africans would represent the majority of the de jure population of South Africa with the right to vote and monopolize control of the state machinery.

The Group Areas Act of 1950 (as re-enacted in the Group Areas Act of 1966), divided South Africa into separate areas for whites and blacks and gave the government the power to forcibly remove people from areas not designated for their particular tribal and racial group. Under this Act,anyone living in the “wrong” area was deported to his/her tribal group homeland. The law also denied Africans the right to own land anywhere in South Africa and stripped them of all political rights. The lives of over 3.5 million people were destroyed by this law as they were forcibly deported and corralled like cattle in their tribal group Bantustans.

The ideology of “kililism” shares many of the attributes of apartheid’s “Bantustanism”.

In Article 39 and other proclamations enacted by Meles’ rubberstamp parliament, Meles created “ethnic homelands” just as apartheid South Africa’s “Bantu (Black) Authorities Act of 1951” created “bantustans”.  Article 39 provides, “A nation, nationality or people for the purpose of this Constitution, is a group of people who have or share a large measure of a common culture, or similar customs, mutual intelligibility of language, belief in a common or related identities, and who predominantly inhabit an identifiable, contiguous territory.” Both ideologies aim to concentrate members of designated ethnic groups into “homelands” by creating ethno-linguistically homogeneous territories which could ultimately morph into “autonomous” nation states.

In April  2012, in my commentary, “Green Justice or Ethnic Injustice”, I demonstrated beyond a shadow of doubt that the chief architect and mastermind of “ethnic federalism”, the late Meles Zenawi, in his own words proved that he was running a modern apartheid system.

In April 2012, Meles personally ordered the removal and deportation of tens of thousands of “Amhara” from Southern Ethiopia.

In justifying his actions, Meles called Ethiopians living in the southern part of the country, “North Gojam “Amhara” “sefaris”, “criminal squatters” and “marauding land grabbers”.

To call any Ethiopian living in Ethiopia a “criminal squatter” makes me sick to the stomach.  (To watch Meles Zenawi’s video Click HERE):

… By coincidence of history, over the past ten years numerous people — some 30,000 sefaris (squatters) from North Gojam – have settled in Benji Maji (BM) zone [in Southern Ethiopia]. In Gura Ferda, there are some 24,000 sefaris. Because the area is forested, not too many people live there. For all intents and purposes, Gura Ferda is little North Gojam complete with squatters’ local administration. That is not a problem: There is land to farm [in BM zone], and there are people who want to farm it. Everybody wins, no one loses. There is only one problem: The squatters did it in a disorganized way. The squatters settled individually and haphazardly and in an environmentally destructive way. The settlement was not based on a sound environmental impact study on the destruction of the forest. The pristine forest in the area must be protected. The squatters want land that can be easily developed and cultivated. They don’t care if it is a forest or not. They cut the forest and used the wood to make charcoal to aid in their settlement. As a result massive environmental destruction has occurred…. Settlers cannot move into the area and destroy the forest for settlement. It is illegal and must stop. Those who try to distort this fact are irresponsible. It is necessary to filter the truth. The rights of all Ethiopians must be protected on equal footing. Those who allege persecution and displacement of Amharas are engaged in irresponsible agitation which is not useful to anyone…

That is exactly what happened to Black South Africans for decades under apartheid. They were labelled “criminal squatters” and evicted and forcibly expelled…

I ask Ethiopia’s Cheetahs to fly with me on a beam of freedom. You are born free. Now live free because that is your divine destiny.

Sincerely,

Your friendly Chee-Hippo

Message to be continued…

Representatives of Diverse Ethiopians Formed Council

Representatives of Diverse Ethiopians formed: Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restoration of Justice (ECRRJ).

Ethiopian Council

Executive Summary:

On February 14, 2016, the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) announced the formation of the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restoration of Justice (ECRRJ) at a public meeting held at the Sheraton Hotel in Silver Springs, Maryland. The Council’s formation was the outcome of a strategic planning retreat held over the course of three days previous to the meeting. Those attending the retreat were representatives of diverse Ethiopians. The ECRRJ is a people-to-people movement for healing, reconciliation and the restoration of justice in Ethiopia.

Background:

The need for reconciliation and restorative justice has been an integral part of the mission of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) from the beginning. The SMNE was birthed as an idea, years prior to its official formation in 2008. In fact, the idea resulted from a deepening awareness of the pain and suffering of Ethiopians throughout the country following the genocide of the Anuak in 2003. In a country stuck in cycles of violence and revenge; it became clear that the only hope for sustainable peace and justice was to disengage from that cycle of revenge and hate; and to instead choose forgiveness, reconciliation and the pursuit of justice as a deliberate choice to forge a new path. 

As the idea grew; it became evident that freedom and justice would never come to the Anuak alone, until freedom and justice came to all Ethiopians. In a deeply divided country, this meant we had to step out of our tribal boxes to embrace others; putting humanity before ethnicity or any other differences, in order to create a more harmonious society. Finally, in 2008, the SMNE began as an effort to bring together the diverse people of Ethiopia to work towards the goals of bringing truth, freedom, justice, transparency and accountability. It led to efforts to bring reconciliation among divided and disconnected people as well as a sense of cohesion, empathy and social responsibility towards others.

In the last 23 years, when some of our people were afflicted in one place; others often did not seem to care. When we are flicked ourselves; it often goes without notice. When the Anuak were massacred, only the Anuak cried. This disregard for each others’ well being can be seen in case after case, despite the fact that we live among each other or were born in the same country. The truth is; we do not have a history of talking to each other.

The SMNE has worked towards this foundational goal of unity-building in various ways; including efforts to bring diverse people together in public forums, marches, discussions, reaching out to advocate for others outside our own groups, standing up for the rights of others in harms way and other reconciliation efforts over the past years.

In November 15, 2014, the SMNE hosted a number of public forums in Washington DC and in other cities, emphasizing the need to “talk to each other rather than about each other.” The formation of the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restoration of Justice (ECRRJ)is a continuation of this effort.

Current crisis leading to strategic planning retreat:

We believe the crisis in Ethiopia has reached a new level of urgency based on the present escalating violence in Ethiopia. In order to formulate ideas and a plan to address these issues, the SMNE organized a retreat and invited diverse Ethiopians, who are invested in seeking a different future, to come together for a 3-day retreat this past week to explore possibilities and then to share them at a public meeting held on February 14, 2016 in Washington DC.

It is easy to focus on the urgent issues — an oppressive government, corruption, killing of the Oromo student protestors, or the impending famine and food insecurity— and conclude it is all about the TPLF/EPRDF. It leads to the notion that removing the TPLF/EPRDF will solve our problems; however, there are many people who believe that without healing, reconciliation and the restoration of justice among the people, Ethiopians will be unable to find solutions to the crises of conflict, famine and rising instability in Ethiopia. In fact, without a foundation of healing and reconciliation, our future may end up no better, if not worse, than our present condition. 

At the retreat, participants heard the grievances, hardships, wounds and cultural perspectives of others as each told their story. It was intense. People wept, reached out, felt pain and connected to each other. There was serious discussion. There was the sharing of food and laughter. There was a campfire with more stories and discussion. At the end, the healing had begun. New relationships were formed. The understanding of another’s experience and pain was enlightening; broadening the perspective of what Ethiopia could become if people listened to each other. At the end, there was renewed hope that Ethiopia could be a home for all its people; that neighbors did not have to fight each other if they more fully understood that each Ethiopian has a name. 

Formation of the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restoration of Justice (ECRRJ):

The final outcome of the retreat was the unanimous decision to form theEthiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restoration of Justice (ECRRJ), believing it is only through healing, reconciliation and the restoration of justice that Ethiopians will find a meaningful and more sustainable solution. A summary of the group’s decision, describing its basic purpose and goals are as follows:

Purpose:

To provide a framework for people to forgive, repent, and have an open dialogue in order to create healing, understanding, atonement, peace, and justice among all Ethiopians, domestic and abroad. We are all equal! We accept, include, and acknowledge the grievances, hopes, fears, and experiences of all Ethiopian people, regardless of political affiliation, religious belief, or ethnicity. We will work on a people to people grassroots level, among all ethnic groups including elites, civil society or stakeholders but not with the TPLF/EPRDF government.

Goals:

We have four immediate goals:

  1. To officially structure the council with a functional structure within six months.
  2. To promote tolerance, trust, equality and justice for all Ethiopians.
  3. To reach out to Ethiopian religious, civic and political organizations to enhance ECRRJ’s mission and ideas. We seek to build partnerships with other people and organizations.
  4. To use the media to create greater awareness on healing, reconciliation and the restoration of justice.

SMNE Public Meeting:

At the beginning of the people to people public forum, the SMNE leaders expressed their cordial thanks to all the participants for their contributions to the retreat and forum. Mr. Dawit Agonafer, Board Member of the SMNE, opened up the public forum; Miss Yerusalem Work, SMNE Director of Operations read an emotional and touching poem entitled: Love of Country; Mr. Tesfa Mekonnen, the Chairman of the SMNE’s DC Metro Chapter welcomed the public; and, Dr. Gregory Stanton, President of Genocide Watch talked about the early warning signs of genocide.

The Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restoration of Justice (ECRRJ) statement was read in four different languages: Amharic, Oromiffa, Tigrigna and English. The retreat participants shared their diverse experiences as citizens of Ethiopia. Many questions and comments were made, leading to a very lively and at times, intense, discussion. A video of the event will be available to the public in the near future.

Rationale for the Council:

There are many people who believe that reconciliation is key to creating a conducive environment to be able to effectively resolve the problems within our country. As indicated, some of those individuals met the past week to discuss the challenges presented in our very divided country. They came to the conclusion that it will be difficult to find a solution to the crisis of conflict, famine and rising instability in Ethiopia without first resolving the conflicts among ourselves, different ethnic groups and different sectors of society. This calls for a more intense focus on reconciliation, aided by representatives of different groups of our society, to steer such an effort in this direction, preparing for another stage where the restoration of justice and meaningful reforms would be addressed more intensely.

The ECRRJ was formed to act as a diverse, yet consolidated, voice for such a solution. We believe it begins by seeking individual and collective healing for Ethiopians, following years of trauma, suffering, loss and hardship caused by oppression, marginalization, war, corruption, ethnic-based hatred and alienation, discrimination, torture, false imprisonment, human rights abuses and deep-seeded injustice.  Such trauma can be experienced as individuals or as members of a collective group. It can be passed on to the next generations, along with the destructive emotions of anger, bitterness, alienation, prejudice and the desire to seek revenge or hold strong prejudices against a collective group of people, even if it is against their descendants. 

One of the participants, Mr. Roba Ahmed, an Oromo man, said that anger over injustice had been passed on from his grandfather to his father and from his father to himself and that he refused to pass it on to his children. He said that was the reason he was there. It was time to stop it. He was speaking of the pain, bitterness and resentments of the past that were destroying possibilities for working together as Ethiopians, making cooperation in the present a step of disloyalty towards an ancestor of the past. He wants to end the vicious cycle, enabling the next generation to be freer to live in peace.

Unhealed trauma, wounds and anger have led to a divided, suspicious, abusive and unjust society where there is little trust. One only feels safe within one’s own group, although those groups can also be divided. It is all propelled again and again through cycles of violence and revenge. Under such conditions, genuine unity among the people that would enable Ethiopians to work together towards shared goals, is an illusive dream. The collaboration that everyone is calling for now is to “take down” a mutual “enemy,” but even if it worked, it is short-lived and easily subject to hijack.

Consider how yesterday’s or today’s victims will function if given power, without first experiencing healing and reconciliation. The TPLF is an example. They were thrust into a war in the bush as victims of injustice, now becoming like those who afflicted them in the past. A recycling of aggression, victimization and self-interest, without regard for others, is relived now in a new generation. 

How can this pattern of dangerous dysfunction be broken without healing, reconciliation and the restoration of justice? It should be lead by diverse Ethiopians who can propel this vision forward and act as bridges of reconciliation between the people. As people are reconciled, they are humanized in the eyes of the other. They are also newly connected to each other to form relationship. With relationship comes the social and moral imperative to correct wrongs when and where one can do so. These relationships can involve individuals, families, groups, ethnicities, regions, religions, or among aggrieved citizens of a nation. This effort should address issues of wrongdoing, including individual or recurring incidents of injustice as well as systemic injustice when such wrongs are deeply entrenched into the fabric of society. 

Restorative justice is a means to transition out of a violent, divided, and unjust society to something better and more responsive to the rights of all its members. For example, a criminels justice approach looks at what laws were broken, who did what and what they deserve. It serves to punish chief offenders as well as petty offenders in some cases, but it does not assure needed structural changes to institutionalized injustice, especially when previous power holders remain entrenched in the system.

The emphasis of restorative justice looks at who was harmed, what are their needs and who is obligated to address them. Correction of wrongs committed over the past years will include some degree of obligation to fix them and if systemic, it will require systemic changes to our institutions on the local, regional and national levels. It will involve listening, public discussion, an openness to change and effective implementation of changes necessary to restore justice. Restorative justice may bring more sustainable peace, justice and equity than either an over-heavy use of the criminal justice approach or a violent overthrow of the current system because restorative justice seeks to repair a deeply broken system, not just replace the people on top. 

The ECRRJ’s goal is to bring diverse voices into strategic and empowered positions to focus on bringing healing, reconciliation and the restoration of justice to Ethiopians as the only way to break this self-destructive cycle of violence, injustice and oppression. Even those who consider themselves victims of this regime can fail to see how to break the cycle and can start to over-identify with the role of victim or even move between the two roles in destructive ways affecting self and others.

Our mission is to provide a means to escape from this cycle by promoting the healing of individuals, communities and our nation. This means an intentional strategy to bring diverse and alienated people together to talk to each other rather than about each other. It also includes bringing factions together to listen to each other so as to better understand the “other” and to better deal with the pain and grievances of these others.

The Council’s position is to seek an environment where healing and reconciliation will equip the people to better focus on the future, becoming part of the solution to restoring justice and bringing about meaningful reforms for the common good. This is why the council was formed. Ignoring these problems and the problems of others within our society can have serious consequences. Once we better understand the pain of others; we will be able to join together to confront the current crises we are facing— the starvation, the lack of political space, the land issues, the lack of opportunity and other issues.

We in the ECRRJ are not interested in artificial or shallow cohesion; it will not last, nor will it give us what we want. The main responsibility right now is on the people to put our act together. If we do, we can confront our many crises or even prevent them, like avoiding ethnic conflict. The voice of healed and reconciled people or groups, can assume greater strength and moral authority. This is what we seek to encourage, direct and empower through the ECRRJ.

As the ECRRJ is launched, we are calling on the people to start this dialogue. When violence occurs, it does so to individuals; so we must become agents of reconciliation and justice, talking to each other in the language of love and respect in a humanizing, not dehumanizing way. 

This starts from within the hearts of each of us. Seek a quiet place and listen to one’s conscience as we face this present crisis; it may be during this time we are most ready to hear and to receive instruction, joy, conviction and healing. Reach out to reconcile with those closest to us, even within our families, communities, places of worship and work places. We call on members of the religious community, as well as many others, to join this effort.How can justice for all be restored in a country like Ethiopia without embracing the humanity of others? Let us do our part and seek God’s help to do what seems otherwise impossible!

May God protect Ethiopians from choosing the wrong paths that will inflict harm to self and others and may lead to our mutual destruction.

________________________

For more information, contact Obang Metho, Email:Obang@solidaritymovement.org

ስልጤ፣ ቅማንት፣ ወልቃይት- አሁን ደሞ ተራው የኮንሶ ነዉ!

Konso(ዋዜማ ራዲዮ)- በደቡብ ብሄር፣ ብሄረሰቦችና ህዝቦች ክልል የሚኖሩት ኮንሶዎች ቀደም ሲል በልዩ ወረዳ አስተዳደደር ስር የነበሩ ቢሆንም ከሦስት ዓመት ወዲህ ግን የሰገን አካባቢ ህዝቦች ዞን በተሰኘ አዲስ ዞን በወረዳ ደረጃ ተወስነው ተቀምጠዋል፡፡ ከቅርብ ጊዜ ወዲህ የዞን አስተዳደር ይገባናል ጥያቄ አንስተው ከክልል እስከ ፌደራል መንግስት አቤቱታ ሲያሰሙ ቆይተዋል፡፡ ሆኖም በዞን የመደራጀት የመብት ጥያቄያቸው ተቀባይነት ሊያገኝ አልቻለም፡፡

ኢህአዴግ-መራሹ መንግስት በማንነትና አስተዳደር ላይ የሚነሱ ጥያቄዎችን በመፍታት ረገድ ጥሩ ታሪክ የለውም፡፡ የኮንሶዎች ጥያቄ ህገመንግስታዊ ቢሆንም አወንታዊ ምላሽ መስጠት አንድምታዎች ስላሉት ጥያቄውን ማዳፈኑን መርጧል፡፡ እንደ ኮንሶ ሁሉ በደቡብ ክልል ያሉ ሌሎች ብሄረሰቦችም ተመሳሳይ የአስተዳደራዊ ለውጥ ጥያቄ እንዳያነሱ ስጋት የገባው ይመስላል፡፡ ከኮንሶ ሌላ በክልሉ እስካሁንም የሚንከባለሉ ተመሳሳይ ጥያቄዎች አሉ፡፡ የአስተዳደርዊ ጥያቄ ለብሄረሰቡ ተወላጆች ራስን ዕድል በራስ ከመወሰን ጋር፣ ከስራ ዕድል፣ ከመልካም አስተዳደር፣ ኢኮኖሚያዊ ዕድገትንና ፍትሃዊ ተጠቃሚነትና ከበጀት ድጎማ ጋር የሚቆራኝ ስለሆነ አንገብጋቢ ጉዳይ ነው፡፡ ምንም እንኳ አስተዳራዊ አከላልና የማንነት ጥያቄዎች በክልሉ የግጭት ምክንያት ቢሆኑም እስካሁን የኮንሶዎች ጥያቄ ወደ ይፋዊ ግጭት አላመራም፡፡ እስካሁን ባለው ሂደት ግን የኮንሶዎች ጥያቂ በቀላሉ የሚቀለበስ አይመስልም፡፡

ህገ መንግስቱ ከፀደቀ ጀምሮ በብሄር ፌደራሊዝም አወቃቀር ሳቢያ ላለፉት በርካታ ዓመታት የተለያዩ ብሄረሰቦች በአስተዳደር አከላለልናማንነት ዙሪያ ጥያቄዎችን ሲያነሱ ኖረዋል፡፡ ኢህአዴግ-መራሹ መንግስት ግን በማንነትና አስተዳደር ላይ የሚነሱ ጥያቄዎችን በመፍታትረገድ እምብዛም ጥሩ ታሪክ የለውም፡፡ የብሄረሰቦችን የራስን ዕድል በራስ የመወሰን ጥያቄ ፣ ያለ ምንም ቅድመ ሁኔታ እንደሚያከብር ሌትተቀን የሚሰብከው ኢህአዴግ ፣ለህጋዊ ጥያቄዎች ህገመንግስታዊ መፍትሄዎችን ከመስጠት ይልቅ በፖለቲካዊ እርምጃ ጥያቄዎችንማዳፈንን እንደሚመርጥ የሚያረጋግጡ ብዙ ማሳያዎች አሉ፡፡ በደቡብ ክልል እንኳ ከስልጤ ብሄረሰብ ማንነት ጥያቄ በስተቀርበሰላማዊና ዲሞክራሲያዊ መንገድ የተፈቱ ጥያቄዎች እምብዛም የሉም፡፡በተለይ በደቡብ ክልል አስተዳደራዊና የማንነት ጥያቄዎችቀዳሚ ከሚባሉት የግጭት ምክንያቶች የሚመደቡ እንደሆኑ በበርካታ ጥናቶች የተረጋገጠ ጉዳይ ነው፡፡

የሀገሪቱ ህገመንግስት ፀድቆ ደቡብ ክልል በክልል ደረጃ ከተዋቀረ ጊዜ ጀምሮ የኮንሶ ብሄረሰብ በልዩ ወረዳ አደረጃጀት ራሱን በራሱ ሲስተዳድር ቆይቷል፡፡ ከ2003 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ ግን የክልሉ መንግስት ስምንት ብሄረሰቦችን በአንድ ላይ ያቀፈውን የሰገን አካባቢ ህዝቦች ዞን ሲያቋቁም ኮንሶ ከልዩ ወረዳነት ደረጃው ዝቅ ብሎ በወረዳ ደራጃ እንዲዋቀር መደረጉ ይታወሳል፡፡ የሰገን አካባቢ ህዝቦች ዞን በአሁኑጊዜ ያቀፋቸው ብሄረሰቦች ኮንሶ፣ አሌ፣ ቡርጂ፣ አማሮ፣ ደራሼ፣ ኩሱሜ፣ ሞሴና ማሽሌ ናቸው፡፡

ኮንሶዎች ግን ድሮ የነበራቸውን የልዩ ወረዳ አስተዳደራዊ ደረጃ ተነፍገው ከሌሎች ሰባት ወረዳዎች ጋር በአዲሱ ዞን ስር በወረዳ ደራጃእንዲተዳደሩ መደረጋቸው “ህገመንግስታዊውን ራስን በራስ የማስተዳደር መብታችንን ይጋፋል” በማለት በተከታታይ ቅሬታ ማሰማታቸውበተለያዩ የውጭ እና ሀገር ውስጥ መገናኛ ብዙሃን ሲዘገብ ቆይቷል፡፡ አሁኑ ገፍቶ የመጣው የኮንሶዎች ጥያቄ ግን “የቀድሞው ልዩ ወረዳአደረጃጀት ይመለስልን” የሚል ሳይሆን “የዞን አስተዳደር ይገባናል” የሚል በመሆኑ ክልሉን ለሚመራው ደኢህዴንም ሆነ ለኢህአዴግ-መራሹ መንግስት ራስ ምታት እንደሆነባቸው ግልፅ ነው፡፡

የብሄረሰቡ ተወካዮች ከጥቂት ጊዚያት በፊት እንደገና በተጠናከረ መንገድ ጥያቂያቸውን ቢያቀርቡም የክልሉ መንግስት በድጋሚ ውድቅአድርጎባቸዋል፡፡ እንዲህ ዓይነት ጥያቄዎችን በህገመንግስታዊ አግባብ እንዲፈታ በደቡብ ክልል ብቻ የተቋቋመው የብሄረሰቦች ምክርቤትም “አሁን ባላችሁበት አስተዳደራዊ አደረጃጀት ቀጥሉ” የሚል ውሳኔ ሰጥቷቸዋል፡፡ ተወካዮቹ በክልሉ ሳይወሰኑ ጉዳያቸውንለፌደሬሽን ምክር ቤት ቢያቀርቡም “ጥያቄያችሁን በክልሉ መንግስት በኩል አልፎ መምጣት አለበት” የሚል ምላሽ እንደተሰጣቸውይገልፃሉ፡፡

በህገመንግስቱ መሰረት የራስን ዕድል በራስ የመወሰን ጥያቄ ለማቅረብ ከጠቅላላ ህዝቡ ውስጥ አምስት በመቶ ፊርማ ማሰባሰብ በቂነው፡፡ ኮንሶዎች ግን ከሃምሳ ሺህ ፊርማ በላይ በማሰባሰብ ከመስፈርቱ አልፈው በመሄድ ብቻ ሳይሆን ጥያቄውን በወረዳቸው ምክር ቤትበማፀደቅ ጥያቄው የብዙሃኑ ይሁንታ ያለው መሆኑን ለማሳየት ችለዋል፡፡፡ ጉዳዩን በቅርበት የሚከታተሉ የህገመንግስት ባለሙያዎች ግንውሳኔው የክልሉን ህገመንግስት የሚጥስ ኢፍትሃዊ ውሳኔ ነው በማለት ይተቹታል፡፡

ጥያቄው በክልሉ በሙሉ በሚኖረው ያልተፈለገ ፖለቲካዊ፣ ህገመንግስታዊ፣ አስተዳደራዊና የበጀት አንድምታ የተደናበረ የሚመስለውደኢህዴን እና በደኢህዴን የሚመራው የክልሉ መንግስት የህዝቡን እንደራሴዎች በሃሰት ፖለቲካዊ ክሶች እየወነጀለ ማሰሩን፣ ከስራማባረሩንና ማስፈራራቱን እንደተያያዘው ተወካዮቹ በተደጋጋሚ ለውጭ መገናኛ ብዙሃን ሲናገሩ ይደመጣሉ፡፡ “ጥያቂያችን ሰላማዊናህጋዊ ሆኖ ሳለ የክልሉ መንግስት ልዩ ታጣቂ ኃይል አሰማርቶ ወከባና ማስፈራሪያ እያደረሰብን ነው” በማለትም ቅሬታቸውን ያሰማሉ፡፡

ኮንሶዎች በአዲሱ የሰገን አካባቢ ዞን ከተካተቱት ሌሎች ሰባት ብሄረሰቦች አንፃር ሲታዩ ከፍተኛ የህዝብ ብልጫ አላቸው፡፡ ስለሆነምበዞኑ መንግስታዊ ቢሮክራሲ ስር የሚገኙትን የስራ ዕድሎች፣ ፖለቲካዊ ሹመቶችንና ፌደራል መንግስቱ የሚመድበውን የበጀት ድጎማበቁጥር አናሳ ከሆኑት ብሄረሰቦች ጋር ለመጋራት ለመጋራት ስለተገደዱ ቀደም ሲል ያጣጥሙት የነበረውን ኢኮኖሚያዊ ተጠቃሚነትናፖለቲካዊ ስልጣን ሸርሽሮባቸዋል፡፡ ይህም የተጎጂነት ስሜት እንደፈጠረባቸው ዓሌ የማይባል ነው፡፡

ጥያቄው ህገመንግስታዊ መሆኑ ብቻ ሳይሆን ከህጋዊው መስፈርቶች አንፃርም ቢታይ ኮንሶዎች በዞን ደረጃ ራሳቸውን በራሳቸውማስተዳደር የሚበዛባቸው አይደሉም፡፡ ከጠቅላላ ህዝቡና የተማረ ሰው ኃይላቸው ብዛት፣ ከመልክዓ ምድር አቀማመጥ፣ ከቆዳ ስፋት፣ከማኅበራዊና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ተጠቃሚነትና ከማንነት አኳያ ሲመዘን በዞን አስተዳደራዊ ዕርከን ራሳቸውን በራሳቸው ለማስተዳደርየሚያንሱ እንዳልሆኑ ታዛቢዎች ይስማሙበታል፡፡ ከአስር ዓመት በፊት በተደረገው ህዝብ ቆጠራ የኮንሶ ብሄረሰብ ህዝብ ብዛት ከሦስትመቶ ሺህ በላይ ነበር፡፡

ኢህአዴግ-መራሹ መንግስት ኮንሶዎች ላነሱት “የዞን ይገባናል” ጥያቄ አወንታዊ ምላሽ ቢሰጥ ሰፊ ፖለቲካዊ፣ ህገመንግስታዊ፣አስተዳደራዊ እንዲሁም የበጀት አንድምታዎች እንደሚኖረው ካለፉት ልምዶቹ እንደተገነዘበ ሳይታለም የተፈታ ነው፡፡ ለዚህም ይመስላልፍትሃዊውን ጥያቄ ማዳፈን የመረጠው፡፡

ደኢህዴን/ኢህአዴግ-መራሹ መንግስት ለኮንሶዎች ዞን አስተዳደርን ቢፈቅድ “ተመሳሳይ አስተዳደራዊ ጥያቄዎች ላሏቸው ሌሎችብሄረሰቦች ቀዳዳ መክፈት ይሆንብኛል” ብሎ ይሰጋል፡፡ ክልሉ ከሃምሳ ስድስት በላይ ብሄረሰቦችን በማቀፉ የራስን ዕድል በራስ የመወሰንጥያቄዎች እንደ አሸን ፈልተዋል፡፡ ለአብነት ያህል በወረዳ ደረጃ ተወስኖ የሚኖረው የጎፋ ብሄረሰብ ራሱን በዞን ደረጃ ለማስተዳደር አቤቱታ ካቀረበ በርካታ ዓመታት ቢቆጠሩም የክልሉ መንግስት ግን “የዝሆን ጆሮ ይስጠኝ” እንዳለ ነው፡፡

የሰገን አካባቢ ህዝቦች ዞንከመዋቀሩ በፊት የደራሼ ብሄረሰብ ራሱ እንደ ኮንሶ ሁሉ በልዩ ወረዳ ደረጃ ራሱን በራሱ ያስተዳድር ስለነበር አሁን ለኮንሶ ዞን ይገባኛልጥያቄ አወንታዊ ምላሽ ቢሰጥ ደራሼዎችም ተመሳሳይ ጥያቄ የማያነሱበት ምክንያት የለም፡፡ ከሦስት ዓመት በፊት የፌደሬሽን ምክርቤት የዘጠኙንም ክልሎች ግጭት ካርታ ሲያስጠና የሰገን አካባቢ ህዝቦች ዞን ትላልቆቹ ኮንሶ እና ደራሼ ብሄረሰቦች ይሁንታቸውንሳይሰጡበት በክልሉ መንግስት ውሳኔ ብቻ በጥድፊያ ስለመቋቋሙ በቂ መረጃዎች አሉ፡፡

በሌላ በኩል ግን በደቡብ ክልልም ሆነ በሌሎች ክልሎች ከኮንሶዎች ያነሰ ህዝብ ብዛት እያላቸውም እንኳን በዞን አስተዳደር ራሳቸውንበራሳቸው የሚያስተዳድሩ ብሄረሰቦች መኖራቸው የደኢህዴን/ኢህአዴግ መንግስት መርህ አልባ፣ በተቃርኖ የተሞላና ራስን በራስየማስተዳደር መብትን እንደ አመቺነቱ የሚሸራርፍ መሆኑን ቁልጭ አድርገው ያሳያሉ፡፡ ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ ኮንሶዎች ለህዝብ ተወካዮችምክር ቤት እና ለደቡብ ክልል ምክር ቤት በደኢህዴን/ኢህአዴግ ጥላ ስር ያስመረጧቸው ተወካዮቻቸው ጥያቄውን ተፃረው በመቆማቸውህጉ ሚጠይቀውን ፊርማ አሰባስበውውክልናቸው እንዲነሳላቸው ለምርጫ ቦርድ ጥያቄ ቢያቀርቡም እስካሁን ምላሽ አለማግኘታቸውለኢህአዴግ-መራሹን መንግስት ተቃርኖ ሌላኛው ዓይነተኛ ማሳያ ተደርጎ ሊወሰድ ይችላል፡፡

በዞን ደረጃ ራስን በራስ ማስተዳደር ከደቡብ ክልል በስተቀር በሀገሪቱ ሌሎች ክልሎች ህገመንግስታዊ ዕውቅና የለውም፡፡ በሀገሪቱህገመንገስት መሰረት እውቅና ያላቸው መንግስታዊ እርከኖች ፌደራል መንግስት፣ ክልላዊ መንግስት እና ወረዳ ብቻ በመሆናቸው ሌሎች ክልሎች ዞንን እንደ መንግስታዊ ዕርከን ያቋቋሙት ለአስተዳደራዊ አመቺነት ሲሉ ብቻ ነው፡፡ በደቡብ ክልል ብቻ ዞን ህገመንግስታዊየአስተዳደር እርከን ሆኖ የተደራጀው በሽግግሩ ዘመን የነበሩት አምስት ክልሎች በኋላ ላይ ተዋህደው የአሁኑን ደቡብ ክልል ሲመሰርቱትላልቅ ብሄረሰቦች ቢያንስ በዞን ደረጃ ራሳቸውን በራሳቸው በማስተዳደር እንዲካሱ ለማስቻል ታስቦ ነበር፡፡

ፌደሬሽን ምክር ቤት አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርስቲ ውስጥ ከሚገኘው የሰላምና ደህንነት ጥናት ተቋም ጋር በመተባበር ደቡብ ክልልን ጨምሮበዘጠኙም ክልሎች የግጭት ካርታ እና ግጭት ትንተና ጥናት በበማካሄድ ዳጎስ ያለ ሰነድ ቢያዘጋጅም እስካሁን የብሄረሰብ ግጭትዓይነቶችንና ምክንያችን መሰረት ያደረገ ብሄራዊ የግጭት አፈታት ፖሊሲ መንደፍ አልቻለም፡፡ በሀገሪቱ እስካሁንም የብሄረሰብ ግጭቶችየሚፈቱት በፖለቲካዊና አስተዳደራዊ መንገድ ብቻ በመሆኑ ዘላቂ መፍትሄ ማግኘት አልተቻለም፡፡

ምንም እንኳን በብሄረሰቦች መካከልም ሆነ በብሄረሰቦችና በመንግስት መካከል የሚነሱ ግጭቶችን የመፍታት ህገመንግስታዊ ስልጣንየፌደሬሽን ምክር ቤት ቢሆንም ብዙውን ጊዜ ፈጥኖ አስተዳደራዊና ፖለቲካዊ እርምጃዎችን የሚወስደው ግን የስራ አስፈፃሚው አካልየሆነው ፌደራል ጉዳዮችና አርብቶ አደር ልማት ሚንስቴር ሆኖ ቆይቷል፡፡ በተለይ ሚንስቴር መስሪያ ቤቱ በአዋጅ ከፌደሬሽን ምክር ቤትጋር ተደራራቢ የሆነ ስልጣን ስለተሰጠው ተቋማዊ አለመግባባትና የሃላፊነት መደራረብን እንዳስከተለ በጉዳዩ ላይ ጥልቅ ጥናት ያካሄዱት እነ ፕሮፌሰር ሳራ ስሚዝ፣ ዶክተር አሰፋ ፍስሃና ዶክተር ፀጋዬ ረጋሳ በተለያዩ ጥናቶቻቸው ጠቁመዋል፡፡

በጠቅላላው ሲታይ በአሁኑ ወቅት በሀገሪቱ አስተዳደራዊና የማንነት ጥያቄዎች እየጨመሩ እንጂ እየቀነሱ አልመጡም፡፡ ከኮንሶ ሌላበትግራይና አማራ ክልል ገፍተው የመጡት የወልቃይትና ቅማንት ህዝቦች አስተዳደራዊና የማንነት ጥያቄዎችም ኢህአዴግ-መራሹንመንግስት ውጥረት ውስጥ የከተቱት ይመስላል፡፡ እስካሁን ባለው አካሄድ የኮንሶዎች ጥያቄም በቀላሉ የሚቀለበስ አይመስልም፡፡.

Source:: wazemaradio

ኦሮሞዎቹ፣አማሮቹ፣ትግሬዎቹ ወዘተ መባባል እስካለ ድረስ ነጻነት የለም! – ሰርጸ ደስታ

slider02ይህ የእኔ የግል እምነቴ ነው ብል ይሻለኛል፡፡ ምክነያቱም ብዙ ነጻ ነን የሚሉ ሰዎች እንኳን ምንም ሳይከብዳቸው ኦሮሞዎች፣ አማሮች፣ ትግሬዎች ወዘተ ሲሉ እሰማለሁ፡፡ ልብ በሏቸው ቃላቶቹ ምንን እንደሚያመለክቱ፡፡ ኦሮሞዎቹ ወይም አማሮቹ ወይም ሌላ ሲል አንድ ሰው ለእኔ እኔ የለሁበትም እያለ ይመስለኛል፡፡ ከዚህ በኋላ አንድነት የለም፡፡ አንድነት ቢባልም ለይስሙላ ነው የሚመስለኝ፡፡ እንዲህ ያለ አነጋገር ደግሞ ሕዝብ እያደነቃቸው ካሉ የፖለቲካ መሪዎችም ሲወጣ ይደመጣል፡፡ ለእኔ በጣም የሚሻክሩ ቃላቶች ናቸው፡፡ ብዙ ሰው የማያሰተውለው ነገር ማንነቱን እንኳን ጠንቅቆ ሳያውቅ ራሱን የሆነ ብሔረሰብ አባል አድርጎ ሌላውን እንትናዎቹ ማለትን ይጀምራል፡፡ አሳዛኝ ነው፡፡ እውነቱን እንነጋገር ከተባለ ደግሞ አክራሪ ኦሮሞ ነኝ የሚለው ጎጃሜ ሆኖ ሊገኝ ይችላል አክራሪ አማራ ነኝ የሚለው በተቃራኒው ሜጫ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ ብዙዎች ራሳችንን መርመመርመር ስንጀምር ታሪካችን የሚያበቃው እንደዛ ነው፡፡ አንድ ደብረማርቆስ ተወልዶ ያደገ የገዛ ጓደኛዬ ቅልጥ ያለው ጎጃሜ ሆኖ ራሱን አማራ አደርጓል፡፡ የሚገርመው ግን የቤተሰቡን የዘር ሀረግ ከጉደር አካባቢ ከሚኖሩ ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪ ሕዝብ እንደሆነ ያውቃል፡፡ አክራሪ አማራ ነገር ስለነበር ምን ሆነህ ነው ታዲያ እንደዚህ አክራሪ አማራ ነገር የምትሆነው ስለው በራሱ ተገርሞ የሰጠኝ መልስ እውነት ምን ሆኜ ነው የምል ነበር፡፡ እሱስ ስለሚያውቀው እውነት ምን ሆኜ ነው አለ፡፡ ሌሎች ደግሞ ከእነ አካቴው ራሳቸውን ጠንቅቀው ሳያውቁ ዋና የሆነ ብሔረሰብ አሳቢና ተቆርቋሪ ሆነው ይገኛሉ፡፡

ብዙ ጊዜ እኔ ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪ፣ አማራ የሚባለው ምናምን እያልኩ የምጽፈው ወድጄ አደለም፡፡ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ከቋንቋና እራስን የሆነ ብሔር አድርጎ ከማሳመን ያለፈ በቂ መረጃ ኖሮት በእርግጠኝነት እኔ የዚህ ብሔረሰብ አባል ነኝ ሊል የሚችል ሰው ካለ አንድ ከመቶ አይሆንም፡፡ ሁሉም ብቻ በስሜትና በወከባ ራሱን የሆነ ጎሳ አባል አድርጓል፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ ከ25 ዓመት ወዲህ አደገኛ ልክፍት ሆኗል፡፡ በእርግጠኝነት የምናውቀው ግን አንድ ዘር ሀረግ ያለው አማራ፣ ኦሮሞ፣ ትግሬ ምናምን የሚባል ሕዝብ እንደሌለ ነው፡፡ ኦሮሞ የሚባለውን ሕዝብ ባለፈው አንስቼ ነበር፡፡ በጠቂቱ ለማስታወስ ላንሳ፡፡ ዛሬ የኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪ ሕዝብ የሆነው የተለያየ ዘር ሀረግ ያለውና የኦሮሞ እንቅስቃሴ ከሚባለው ከዛሬ 450ዓመት በኋላ ብዙ የተልያዩ ሕዝቦች ወደ ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪነት በመቀየራቸው የተፈጠረ ሕዝብ ነው፡፡ ለዚህ በዝዋይ ሀይቅ የሚኖረው የዜይ ሕዝብ በኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪዎች ተጽኖ ብዙም ስላልነበረበት ለምልክት ይሆነን ዘንድ ዛሬም ድረስ እንዳለ እናሰተውል፡፡ ከ450 ዓመት በፊት ዛሬ ኦሮምኛ በሚነገርባቸው አካባቢዎች ሌላ ቋንቋ ተናጋሪ ነበር፡፡ አማራን ስናይ ብዙ ቦታዎች በተለይ በሰሜን አማርኛ የመሳፍንት ቋንቋ ስለነበር ብዙ ሌላ ቋንቋ ተናጋሪዎች አማርኛ ተናጋሪ ሆነው ዛሬ አማራ በሚል ተጨፍለቀዋል፡፡ ዛሬ ጎንደር አካባቢ ቅማንት ነን የሚሉት ሕዝቦችም የዚሁ አንዱ መገለጫ ናቸው፡፡ እኛ እንኳን ስናውቅ ወይጦ የሚባል ሕዝብ በጎጃም ይኖር ነበር፡፡ አሁን ያ ሕዝብ ፍጹም ተቀይሮ አማራ ተብሏል፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ የታሪክ ባለቤት የሆነው አገው ሳይቀር አፋፍ ላይ ነው ያለው፡፡ ትግርኛንም ስናይ ወልቃይቶች ትግርኛ ተናጋሪ እንጂ በዘር ከተከዜ ማዶ ካሉት አይገናኙም፡፡ አላማጣ ቆቦ ራያ ድሮ ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪ እንደነበሩ ይነገራል፡፡ ዛሬም ለምልክት አለ፡፡ ወሎ የጁ፣ ቦረና ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪ ነበር ዛሬ አማራ ነው፡፡ እነዚህን ሶስት ብሔረሰቦች ለምሳሌ ነው ያነሳሁት፡፡ ሌላውም እንደዛው ነው፡፡

ዘር ከተባለ ኢትዮጵያ ከጥንትም ጀምሮ ሰዎች ተደበላልቀው የሚኖሩባት፣ የሚዋለዱባት፣ አበሻ (ሐበሻ) ተብለው በአንድነት የሚጠሩባት ሕዝቦች አገር ነች፡፡ ዛሬም ቢሆን ይህ የጋብቻና የዘር ቅልቅሉ እንኳንስ ቋንቋን እምነትን (ሀይማኖትን) እንኳን ጥሶ አንዱ ከሌላው ሲጋባና ሲዋለድ ሌላ ትውልድ ሲፈጥር እናያለን፡፡ ለዚህ ማስተዋል ዝግ የሆንን እኛ ዛሬ ራሳችንን መነዘርንና ማንነታችንንም፣ ነጻነታችንንም የጠላቶቻችን መገልገያ አደርገን ሰጠን፡፡ ያሳዝናል፡፡ ኢትዮጵያ የአለም ሕዝቦች ሁሉ ዘር ሀረግ ያለባት አገር እንደሆነች ዛሬ ሳይንስ ሳይቀር እየመሰከረ ነው፡፡ በቅርቡ ታዋቂው ሳይንስ የተባለው የሳይንስ ምርምር የሚቀርብበት መጽሔት ይሄንኑ ነው የሚያረጋግጠው፡፡ በተመሳሳይ ሌላ ተናጥል እትም የሳይንስዊ መጽሔት ጥንታውያኑ ግብጾች ኢትዮጵያውያን እንደነበሩ ይመሰክራል፡፡ ዓለም በሰው ዘር ዝርያ ሀረግ ምርምር ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ይርመሰመሳል፡፡ የእኛ ሳይንቲስት ተብዬዎች በጎሳ ልክፍት መክነው ስልቀበሌ ያወራሉ፡፡ http://science.sciencemag.org/content/350/6262/820   እንድታነቡት ከምጋብዛችሁ አንዱ ነው፡፡ ብዙ ነው፡፡ የሐበሻ ምድር የሚባለው በእርግጥ የዛሬዋን ኢትዮጵያ ብቻ ሳይሆን ሱዳንን፣ ኤርትራን፣ ሶማሌን፣ የመንን የሚጨምር ነው፡፡ አስኳሏ ግን ኢትዮጵያ ነች፡፡ እውነታው ዛሬ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ያሉት ብቻ ሳይሆኑ በእነዚህ አገራት ሁሉ የሚኖሩ የዘር ሀረግ መጠላልፍ አለ፡፡ በቋንቋ የሚለያዩ በድንበር የሚዋሰኑ የኢትዮጵያ ዛሬ ብሔረሰብ የምንላቸው ሕዝቦች የዘር ቅርርብ ከምናስበው በላይ ነው፡፡ እውነትን መናገር ግድ ስለሆነብኝ እንጂ አንድነት የሚባለውን ለመስበክ አይደለም፡፡ አሁን አሁን እንደውም ተለያይትን ብንሞክረው እያልኩ ነኝ፡፡ ለምሳሌ ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪው ከኢትዮጵያ ውጭ ለዓመት አብሮ መኖር የማይችል ዘጠኝ ትንንሽ የሚሆን ሕዝብ ነው፡፡ አይደለም ባሌና ወለጋ ሐረቶና ሻመቡ ተለያይተው ነው የምናገኛቸው፡፡ አማራም እንደዛው፣ ትግሬም ተብዬው እንደዛው፡፡ ኢትዮጵያውያን በኢትዮጵያዊነት እንጂ አንድ የሆኑት በብሔረሰብ እንዳልሆነ መጀመሪያ እንወቅ፡፡ ማስተዋል የጎደለው ትውልድ ሆነናል፡፡ አስናለሁ! ለእኛ ዛሬ ላለንው ትውልድ የሚከተለውን ግጥም ጋብዣችኋለሁ፡፡

የነጠፈው የኢትዮጵያ ማህጸን!?

ሀ ብሎ ሲጀምር ጥበብን የጠራ፣

አክሱም ላሊበላን በእጆቹ የሠራ፣

ያንን ምጡቅ ትውልድ ሲያፈራ የኖረ፣

ወላድን በድባብ ከድኖ ያከበረ፣

ምን ሆኖ ደረቀ/ነጠፈ ያ ለምለም ማህፀን፣

ምክነያቱ ጠፋኝ ግራ ገባኝ እኔን፡፡

በእግዚአብሔር አምላክ ፊት ሲቦርቅ አይተሽው፣

ምን አልባት ዳዊትን በልብሽ ንቀሽው፣

የሳዖል ልጅ ሜልኮል የደረሳት ዕጣ፣

ያ የእግዚአብሔር በትር ያ የእግዚአብሔር ቁጣ፣

ዘላለም እንዳትወልጅ ዳግም በአንቺ መጣ?

ነገሩን ሳስበው የአንቺ ከእሷ ባሰ፣

መዘጋት መድረቁ ደግሞ ባላነሰ፣

አራሙቻ አብቅሎ አገር አረከሰ፡፡

ምንኛ ቢከፋ ታዲያ የአንቺ ኃጥያት፣

እንዳልተባለልሽ የጠቢባን እናት፣

ያ ለም ማህጸንሽ የተዘመረለት፣

መንጠፉ ሳያንሰው አረም በቀለበት!?

ኃጥያትሽ በዝቶ እንደሁ ተስፋ ሳትቆርጪ፣

አጥቦ ያፀዳሽ ዘንድ እምባሽን አመንጪ፣

በአፍኝሽ ሙይና እርጪው ወደ ሰማይ፣

መስዋዕት ይሁንሽ በአምላክሽ ፊት ይታይ፡፡

በፀፀትሽ ብዛት አስቦ ታሪክሽን፣

ዳግም እንድከፍተው ለምለም ማህፀንሽን፡፡

ስቃይዋ ቢበዛ ብታጣ ልጆቿን፣

መጽናናት ቢሳናት ልቧ ገብቶ ሐዘን፣

ስቅስቅ ብላ አልቅሳ አውጥታ የአንጀቷን፣

ብሶቷን አሳፍራ ብትልክ አምባዋን፣

እግዚአብሔር ስለእሷ ሕዝቡን መመልከቱን፣

ያቺን የሐዘን እናት አስቢ ራሄልን!!!

Ethiopia: Unity in Opposition

Division and fear are the age-old tools of tyrants; unity and peaceful coordinated action the most powerful weapons against them.

by GRAHAM PEEBLES

Frightened and downtrodden for so long, there are positive signs that the Ethiopian people are beginning to come together, – peacefully uniting in their anger at the ruling party: – the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF); a paranoid brutal regime, that suppresses the people, is guilty of wide-ranging human rights violations, and has systematically encouraged ethnic divisions and rivalries.

Ethiopia Elections 2015

Anti-government protests have been growing over the last few years, and in recent months large-scale demonstrations have taken place throughout Oromia; also in Gondar, where university students have been demonstrating, demanding, academic rights, freedom, democracy and justice.

Tribal groups, particularly the peoples of Amhara and Oromia (the largest ethnic group – accounting for 35% of the population) have come together: thousands have been marching, running, sitting, shouting and screaming.

Government slays Peaceful Protestors

The EPRDF’s response to the demonstrator’s democratic gall has been crudely predictable: brand protestors ‘anti-peace forces’ and terrorists, then shoot, arrest and imprison them.

Whilst Human Rights Watch (HRW) state that security forces have killed at least 140 people, independent broadcaster ESAT news estimate the number to be over 200. The government, which human rights groups state, authorised the police and military to use “excessive force, including…live ammunition against protesters, among them children as young as 12”, has so far admitted 22 fatalities.

ESAT report at least 1,500 have been injured and to date over 5,000 arrested (in Oromia alone), including Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), Oromia’s largest legally registered political party and his son. Senior members of the OFC, as well as members of other opposition parties and their families, have also been imprisoned; scores more people are harassed, their homes searched. Acting on behalf of an unaccountable government, security forces are “on a mission of wanton destruction of human lives and properties”.

State plan cancelled by protest

The under-reported protests in Gondar (in the Amhara region) were triggered by two separate, but related issues: government cession of an expanse of fertile land – up to 1,600 square km, to Sudan under new demarcation proposals; and the widespread belief that state forces are responsible for a mass killing that took place in November 2015 against the people of Qimant. Leaders of The Gondar Union Association told ESAT news they believed the murders were “committed by TPLF [government] cadres, who then blamed it on the Amhara people to incite violence among the two groups.”

In Oromia, where protests began in April 2014 throughout the region, it was the government’s plan to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, onto agricultural land: hundreds of smallholders would have been displaced, villages destroyed, livelihoods shattered. Following months of demonstrations the government has announced that the plan is to be scrapped. The official statement virtually dismissed the protestor’s opposition, claiming it was “based on a simple misunderstanding” created by a “lack of transparency”.

Activists reacted with derision to the government’s condescension, and vowed to continue protesting unless their longstanding grievances of political exclusion are addressed. Sit-ins and peaceful demonstrations have continued in various locations across Oromo, evoking more violence from the ruling party’s henchmen.

Oromo Rage

The Oromo people see the government’s violence as part of a systematic attempt to oppress and marginalise them. As Amnesty International (AI) states in its report ‘Because I am Oromo’: “thousands of Oromo people have been subjected to unlawful killings, torture and enforced disappearance.” People without any political affiliation are arrested on suspicion that they do not support the government – “between 2011 and 2014, at least 5,000 Oromos have been arrested”. Amnesty asserts that recent regime violence was “the latest and bloodiest in a long pattern of suppression”. This description of government intimidation and brutality will sound familiar to most Ethiopians.

Whilst it was the ‘master-plan’ for Addis Ababa that brought thousands onto the streets, anger and discontent has been fermenting throughout the country for years. Feelings fuelled by restrictions on fundamental freedoms, and human rights violations, many of which can only be described as State Terrorism.

Power Hungry

The EPRDF have been in power for 25 long, and for many people, painful years. The ruling party was formed from the four armed groups that seized power in May 1991, including the now dominant Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

Despite the theatre of national “elections” being staged every five years since 1995, the EPRDF has never been elected. Last year’s sham saw them take all 547 parliamentary seats. In order to convince a suspicious, if largely indifferent watching world (the EU refused to send a team of observers to legitimise proceedings) one might have expected a token seat or two for an opposition party, but the government decided they could steal every one and get away with it; their arrogance confirming their guilt.

The Tigrean ethnic group makes up a mere 6% of the countries 95 million population, but the TPLF (or Weyane as they are commonly called) and their cohorts dominate the government, the senior military, the judiciary, and, according to Genocide Watch, intend “to internally colonize the country”. A claim that the ethnic Somalis living in the Ogaden region, as well as the people of Amhara and Oromia, all of whom are subjected to appalling levels of persecution, would agree with.

Undemocratic, repressive regime

The Government claims to adhere to democracy, but says the introduction of democratic principles will take time. ‘Outsiders’ (critics such as HRW, Amnesty International and the EU) ‘don’t understand’ the country: thus Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn pretends: Ethiopia “is a fledgling democracy – a house in the making”.

Well it is not a house being built on any recognizable democratic foundations: human rights, civil society, justice and freedom for example. Indeed there is no evidence of democracy actual or potential on the government’s part in Ethiopia. On the contrary, despite a liberally-worded constitution, the ruling party tramples on human rights, uses violence and fear to suppress the people and governs in a highly centralised manner: Opposition parties are ignored, their leaders often imprisoned or forced to live abroad; the government, Amnesty International (AI) states, routinely uses “arbitrary arrest and detention, often without charge, to suppress suggestions of dissent in many parts of the country.”

The judiciary is a puppet, as is the “investigative branch of the police”, Amnesty records, making it impossible “to receive a fair hearing in politically motivated trials”, or any other case for that matter. Federal and regional security services operate with “near total impunity” and are “responsible for violations throughout the country, including…the use of excessive force, torture and extrajudicial executions.”

There is no media freedom; virtually all press, television and radio outlets are state-owned, as is the sole telecommunications company – allowing unfettered surveillance of the Internet. The only independent broadcaster is internationally based ESAT; the Government routinely blocks its satellite signal, and employee family members who live in Ethiopia are persecuted, imprisoned, their homes ransacked.

Journalists who challenge the government are intimidated, arrested or forced abroad. Ethiopia is the fourth most censored country in the world (after Eritrea, North Korea and Saudi Arabia) according to The Committee to Protect Journalists, and “the third worst jailer of journalists on the African continent”. The widely criticized, conveniently vague “2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation” – used to silence journalists – and “The Charities and Societies Proclamation”, make up the government’s principle legislative weapons of suppression, which are wielded without restraint.

The 99%

The vast majority of Ethiopian people – domestic and expatriate – are desperate for change, freedom, justice and adherence to human rights; liberties that the EPRDF have total contempt for: their primary concern is manifestly holding onto power, generating wealth for themselves, and their cohorts, and ensuring no space for political debate, dissent or democratic development.

Without a functioning electoral system or independent media, and given government hostility to open dialogue with opposition parties and community activists, there are only two options available for the discontented majority. An armed uprising against the EPRDF – and there are many loud voices advocating this – or the more positive alternative: peaceful, consistent, well-organized activism, building on the huge demonstrations in Oromia and Gondar, uniting the people and driving an unstoppable momentum for change.

Ethiopia is a richly diverse country, composed of dozens of tribal groups speaking a variety of languages and dialects. Traditions and cultures may vary, but the needs and aspirations of the people are the same, as are their grievances and fears. Tolerance and understanding of differences, cooperation and shared objectives could build a powerful coalition, establishing a platform for true democracy to take root in a country that has never known it.

People can only be trapped under a cloak of suppression for so long, eventually they must and will rise up. Throughout the world there is a movement for change: for freedom, justice and participatory democracy, in which the 99% have a voice. The recent demonstrations in Ethiopia show that the people are at last beginning to unite, and are part of this collective cry.

De-Weyanization of Ethiopia is Imperative for the Horn of Africa

by Amanuel Biedemariam

Are there any issues that the people of Ethiopia and the region have failed to discuss regarding the minority Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF/EPRDF) regime and its crimes, genocides, transgressions, misdeeds, lies, corruption, nepotism etc…?De-Weyanization of Ethiopia

The people of Ethiopia and the region have collectively raised all pertinent issues ad nauseam and detailed the human rights and other major violations committed by Tigray People’s Liberation Front TPLF/EPRDF that altered the makeup and trajectories of Ethiopia and the region. In 25 years the Tigrai People’s Liberation Front victimized millions and hampered cooperation within the region.

The Horn of Africa is hurting. The economies, traditional ways and cross border connections are lost. The natural cross border trade that sustained generations is halted impacting the lives of all involved negatively and unnecessarily.

If one is to ask, what the TPLF thugs contributed to foster cooperation in order to better the lives of the people in the region, the answer is none. The TPLF blocked trade, the economy and stood on the way of the people. TPLF stopped-cold cross-border-trade-relation between Eritrea and Ethiopia; Ethiopia and Somalia and, hampered trade with Kenya through Southern Ethiopia and Oromia. Due to its aggressive hegemonic stances, conflicts in Gambella and TPLF’s negative involvement in South Sudan, opportunities for free trade in the region are impossible. The only open-border and functioning is the Eastern Sudan and Tigray corridor which serves as a life line to TPLF’s home front of Tigray.

The TPLF’s primary intent is to become the hegemon of the region. The fact that the US allowed Ethiopia to become extension of US interests in the region gave TPLF thugs false sense of empowerment. With US on its side the TPLF believed that it could control the region. To that end it started war with Eritrea and Somalia on zero sum game determined-and-certain to bring regime change in Eritrea and inject a puppet regime in Somalia.

When the TPLF thugs declared war on Eritrea their calculation was that Eritrea will fold in six months. When TPLF failed they enacted No-War-No-Peace agenda, war by other means. This agenda is meant to give chance to the TPLF to annul the EEBC decision and bring puppet regime that can help them enact the Greater (Abay) Tigray agenda.

By declaring war and openly campaigning for regime change, the TPLF gave Eritrea no chance but to respond however possible. However, and for a while, it seemed as though everything was stocked against Eritrea as the TPLF thugs were accorded unprecedented diplomatic, political, economic, PR and military support from the US, EU and their allies.

The War Inside

Parallel to the war with Eritrea the TPLF thugs were also waging a war against the people of Ethiopia. In 2005, the late chief-TPLF-thug Meles Zenawi barbarically mowed innocent Ethiopians after they defeated his reign in a democratic election. At that moment Ethiopians realized that the evil in their midst is entrenched and that it is formidable. Dislodging TPLF democratically became unattainable dream. This was confirmed in subsequent sham elections of 2010 and 2015.

For over 25 years, the US and Europe funded and facilitated TPLF’s misadventures to the detriment of Ethiopia’s future.  Furthermore, when the Obama administration elected to endorse TPLF’s claim of 100% election-victory as democratic, the people of Ethiopia gave up on the US administration and international community altogether.

This meant that Ethiopians have no recourse other than to take measures on their hands. The Oromo demonstrations are direct result of the closed political environment sponsored by the West. As it stands, the Oromo uprising is on its third month. Yet, the TPLF has lost control and unable to quell the uprising. Sign of troubles ahead.

Take Two: The Beginning of the End

The US and Europe entrusted the TPLF to ensure decisive victories in order to enable them pursue their agendas in the region and failed. The No-War-No-Peace strategy that the TPLF pursued against Eritrea failed and backfired.

To the contrary, despite massive infusion of aid, Ethiopia is in dire existential struggle. Consistent claims of economic growth that Ethiopia is the fastest growing economy in Africa turned out a big lie. The BBC, Reuters and etc…have been feeding the world lies and exaggerated growth figures to prop the criminal TPLF thugs and got exposed time and again. In short, agendas that US and EU pursued through EPRDF failed. TPLF failed the West.

On December of 2015, the EU invited Dr. Berhanu Nega Chairman of Arbegnoch Ginbo7 (AG7), opposition-group fighting the TPLF, to testify on the current situation in Ethiopia. Subsequently, the EU Parliament adopted a resolution condemning the Ethiopian government for excessive use of force on innocent Oromo’s, for rights violations, and suppression of news etc…

The damming resolution is the first of its kind and for the first time the EU systematically places the legitimacy of the EPRDF in question. The resolution exposed how the minority regime choked the political space as well as the impact of land grub that displaced millions. It states,

“Whereas the most recent general elections were held on 24 May 2015, in which the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) remained the ruling party and won all the seats in the national parliament. Whereas May’s federal elections took place in a general atmosphere of intimidation and concerns over the lack of independence of the National Electoral Board; whereas the EPRDF has been in power for 24 years, since the overthrow of the military government in 1991.”

This statement knocks at the validly of the election results by questioning how, a 6% minority from Tigray garnered 100% of the votes in a country comprised-of, according to CIA fact book, Oromo 34.4%, Amhara 27%, Somali 6.2%,  Sidama 4%, Gurage 2.5%, Welaita 2.3%, Hadiya 1.7%, Afar 1.7%, Gamo 1.5%, Gedeo 1.3%, Silte and Kefficho 2.5%, other 10.5% (2007 est.)

EU stated that TPLF won by force and intimidation. The land grab that displaced millions and the fact that the TPLF/EPRDF pointed guns and shot innocent civilians raised serious questions.  If the EPRDF is killing, displacing populations and rigging election then, who is the protector of the people of Ethiopia?

Systemic Alienation of Ethiopia

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front EPRDF spent millions and exerted tremendous energy to isolate Eritrea from the international community. Every move that the TPLF made was calculated with Eritrea in mind but failed.

With fictitious stories, the TPLF tried to label Eritrea the North Korea (NK) of Africa. As if, North Korea, a country with nuclear capacity, is comparison to any African nation; EPRDF insulted North Korea to attack Eritrea by exploiting the narratives that the west uses to demonize NK. However, if one is to use the very narrative that the TPLF uses to demonize Eritrea as North Korea, according TPLF, a nation, “isolated from the international community and a pariah state,” the real North Korea of Africa is Ethiopia.

Over 12 million Ethiopians are starving and in dire need of food aid. The TPLF uses brute force to suppress opposition and have killed countless innocent civilians. Major humanitarian organizations have detailed genocide by Ethiopian soldiers in Gambela, Ogaden and other regions. The TPLF represents 6% of the population yet it suppresses 94% of the population with brute force. And contrary to its claim that it is the hub of diplomatic activities of Africa, Ethiopia’s minority regime is systematically and technically isolated at least regionally.

For long the TPLF/EPRDF used the “War on Terror” (WOT) to garner support from the West and used it to place Ethiopia as a central hub in that endeavor. TPLF used WOT to finance its army, gain political and diplomatic upper-hand over countries on the region and applied unnecessary pressures to regional groupings such as Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) to acquiesce on agendas that the TPLF pursued even when it is harmful to their long-term interest.

Ethiopia, a country that is supposed to be conduit for African diplomacy and for the greater good used Addis Ababa  to micro-manage African agendas and as cash-cow to suit its needs by exploiting its status as a host nation.

However, with one diplomatic move, Eritrea turned the table and sidelined the TPLF regionally. When Eritrea signed a security agreement with Saudi Arabia and joined the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the move sidelined and killed TPLF’s Eritrea agenda completely. The war on terror that the TPLF exploited is now effectively replaced by Saudi Arabia led coalition created partly to fight terrorism. It includes Djibouti, Egypt and Sudan neighbors that are willing to accommodate Saudi interests and it excludes Ethiopia.

Furthermore, Ethiopia’s Eritrea agenda relied on the international community not doing any business with Eritrea. TPLF aimed to kill Eritrea’s economy partly by ensuring that the ports of Asab and Massawa are not utilized. The reality however, Eritrea’s strategic location is far too important and the TPLF is not in a position to leverage Eritrea’s territories, in this case the ports of Asseb and Massawa to use as bargaining chip because the TPLF does not control Eritrea.

Furthermore, the resolution that EU adopted and the increased support to Ethiopian opposition groups waging armed resistance signals that the EU is alienating the EPRDF regime. If history is a guide, what the EU does the US follows and vice-versa.

Lo and behold, Dr. Berhanu Nega, Chairman of Arbegnoch Ginbo7 (AG7), a subject that the TPLF raised during Obama’s Ethiopia visit in 2015, where the TPLF wanted to label him and his organization terrorist, was in the US on a working visit. While the nature of his visit was not clear, based on the confidence he displayed on a recent seminar that he conducted in Silver Spring, MD it is clear that the US is keeping its options open indicating shift away from the TPLF. These developments and the fact that the regime is no longer seen as custodian of western interests will make TPLF easy target for regime change.

One strategy that the TPLF used to stay in power is sell fear to US and EU that the TPLF is the only organization that can ensure peace and stability in Ethiopia and the region. However, recent developments have exposed that the TPLF is the greatest threat to peace and stability not only in Ethiopia but the region.

Internal Isolation

The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front is increasingly isolated within Ethiopia. Ethiopia are actively defying and challenging its authority. Ones feared federal police are no longer. Police in different regions are burning uniforms and joining ever-growing rebellion against the regime. Ethiopians are burning TPLF’s prisons and killing Agazi commandos everywhere. Weyane is hated by Ethiopians without exception. The Oromo’s, Gambella, Amhara, Somalia,Oganden and Debub-Hizboch loath the TPLF.

What concerns human rights activists is the safety of the people of Tigray as the regime has exploited Ethiopia in the name of Tigray.  Dr. Gregory Stanton of Genocide Watch said,

“What I am witnessing in Ethiopia is a great deal of concern for the people of Tigray because the regime is committing these crimes on their names. Tigrayan minority that created its own colonies within the country rules Ethiopia. The minority Tigrayan regime has created animosities and mistrust amongst the various ethnic groups in Ethiopia in order to divide and rule. In these circumstances a feeling of “Us-against-them” and resentment arises with deadly consequences.”

De-Weyanization Now

A nation needs nationalist leadership that can establish institutions to benefit all, a political system that inspires hope. It needs economic programs that meet the needs of a nation, judiciary that ensure legal system and empower the publics; it needs balanced social structures, governance that is representative of the diversity and defense forces that ensure national safety. Weyane failed and betrayed Ethiopia and the region.

One of Weyane’s greatest miscalculations is the fact that it failed to create alliance with the people of Ethiopia. TPLF felt safe and invincible as long as the US and EU remains on its side. Weyane naively miscalculated that they can keep milking US and EU indefinitely in the name partnering in the war against terrorism and failed.

Hence, there is absolutely no possibility that the TPLF can sustain its rule based on a platform of hate and division that it created in order to divide and rule.  Ethiopians have rejected the system completely. Today, the TPLF aka Weyane Harnet Tigrai is isolated more than ever.

Dewaynization is on full-swing in Ethiopia and the likelihood that Weyane can stave off the onslaught is limited to none. According to the Oromo Media Network,

“The protest in the Oromia region of Ethiopia that is well into its third month has gotten even bloodier today as local militia in West Arsi killed 11 members of the Agazi forces (special kill squads of the regime) in retaliation for the killing of two protesters.”

De-Weyanization means cleansing Ethiopia of its filth. These are vile and brute thieves with nasty agenda that aimed to spill blood indefinitely so they can sit on the throne indefinitely. They have no shame, integrity, morality or mercy. They are deceptive and to confuse the world they created Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary, Democratic Front (EPRDF) umbrella organization to appear representative when all the leaders are leaders of TPLF which stands for Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

Conclusion

Ethiopia is facing serious and dangerous challenges. These challenges also present the best opportunity for change. To face these challenges head-on, the biggest hurdle is cleansing Ethiopia of Weyane and the ugly agendas of hate and division that they brought forward.

To cleanse Ethiopia and start afresh De-Weyanization must take place. To De-Waynize means to dismantle EPRDF and kill its economic base, its tentacles, re-take the mercenary army, kill it diplomatically, kill its political structures and deny it voice by rejecting its voice. Above all a united approach and united voice is what will defeat TPLF. And more than ever, it appears that there is a realization that is the only option.

Solidarity with the people fighting the evil TPLF!

Awetnayu@hotmail.com

http://genocidewatch.net/2012/12/06/genocide-watch-emergency-ethiopia/

የቆሰለው አውሬ አገራችንን ይበልጥ ሳያቆስል በጊዜ እንነሳ!

12527915_780286462077576_1896452664_nየንቅናቄያችን ሊቀመንበር ፕ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋ በቅርቡ በዋሽንግተን ዲሲ ተገኝተው ለኢትዮጵያውያን ባደረጉት ንግግር ወያኔ የቆሰለ አውሬ ሆኗል ብለው ነበር። ፕ/ር ብርሃኑ በንግግራቸው፣ የቆሰለ አውሬ በህይወት ለመቆየት ሲል ያለ የሌለውን ሃይል በመጠቀም ጥቃት በሰነዘረበት ግለሰብ ላይ የበቀል እርምጃ ከመውሰድ ወደ ሁዋላ የማይል በመሆኑ፣ ጥቃቱን ለመከላከል በቂ ዝግጅት ማድረግ እንደሚገባ አሳስበው ነበር። አውሬነት የጭካኔ ደረጃንና ሁዋላቀርነትን የሚያሳይ ገላጭ ቃል ነው፤ አውሬነት ወያኔ በህዝባችን ላይ ለሚፈጽመው ግፍ ጥሩ ወካይ ቃል ነው፤ ነገር ግን ወያኔ ከአውሬ አልፎ የቆሰለ አውሬ ሆኗል፤ አደገኛነቱም ጨምሯል።

ፕ/ር ብርሃኑ በትክክል እንዳሉት የወያኔ የጥቃት ኢላማዎች ወያኔን የሚታገሉት የነጻነት ሃይሎች ብቻ አይሆኑም። መላው የአገራችን ህዝብ በቆሰለው አውሬ ከመጎዳት አያመልጥም። በነፍስ ግቢና ውጪ መካከል የሚገኘው የቆሰለው አውሬ አፈር ልሶ ከቁስለቱ አገግሞ እንዳይነሳ ጥፋቱን እየተከላከሉ፣ ሞቱ የሚፋጠንበትን መንገድ መቀየስ ከእያንዳንዱ ዜጋ ይጠበቃል። የቆሰለ አውሬ ወዳጅ ጠላት መለየት የማይችል፣ ፊት ለፊት ባገኘው ላይ ሁሉ እርምጃ ለመወሰድ የሚንደፋደፍ በመሆኑ፣ ሁሉም ዜጋ የጥቃት ጥፎሮቹ እሱም ላይ እንደሚያርፉ በመገንዘብ አውሬውን ለማጥፋት መረባረብ ይኖርበታል።

ሰሞኑን በኦሮሚያ አካባቢ እየተቀጣጠለ በመጣው ህዝባዊ እምቢተኝነት ወደ ከርሰ መቃብር እየተገፈተረ መሆኑ የገባውና የቆሰለ አውሬነት ባህሪውን በይፋ ማሳየት የጀመረው ይህ የወያኔ አገዛዝ አጥፍቶ ለመጥፋት አንዱን ሃይማኖት ከሌላው ሃይማኖት፡ አንዱን ብሄር ከሌላው ብሄር በማጋጨት የመፈራገጥ እርምጃውን ተያይዞታል:: ተጨማሪ ጊዜና እድል ከተሰጠውም ሌሎች ከዚህ የከፉ ድርጊቶችንም ሊፈጽም እንደሚችል ልብ ማለት ያሻል። ከዚህ ቀደም በተለያዩ አካባቢዎች በሰው ህይወትና በንብረት ላይ ጉዳት ሊያደርስ የሚችል ፍንዳታዎችን ሲያካሄድ የነበረ አገዛዝ ወደዚያ ልማዱ ተመልሶ ጉዳት ለማድረስ ወደኋላ የማይመለስ ብቻ ሳይሆን ተሰሚነት አላቸው የሚባሉትን ወይም ከሌላ ብሄረሰብ የሆኑትን በማስገደል በቀል ሊያስነሳ የሚችል ግጭት ሊቀሰቅስ እንደሚችል ይጠበቃል:: በኦሮምያና ተቃውሞ በሚያይልባቸው ሌሎች አካባቢዎች የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጅ በማወጅ ህዝቡን በርሃብ ከመቅጣትም ወደ ኋላ የመለሳል ብሎ ለማሰብ ይከብዳል:: ማምሻም እድሜ ነው እንደሚባለው ወያኔ ህዝባችንን በማጋጨት እስትንፋሱን ለአንድ ቀን የሚያረዝም እስከመሰለው ድረስ የሚችለውን ሰይጣናዊ መንገዶች ሁሉ ከመሞከር የማይታቀብ ፍጡር መሆኑ ጥርጣሬ ውስጥ የሚገባ አይደለም:: ይህ ሁሉ ሙከራ ከከሸፈበትና እንደማያዋጣው ከተረዳ በዘረፋና በሙስና የሰበሰበውን ሃብትና ንብረት ማሸሹን አጠናክሮ ይገፋበታል።

አርበኞች ግንቦት7 በ11ኛው ሰአት የሚገኘውን የቆሰለውን አውሬ ጥፋት ለመቀነስም ሆነ ግብዓተ መሬቱን ለማፋጠን ፣ በወታደራዊው እና በህዝባዊ እምቢተኝነቱ መስኮች ተግቶ እየሰራ ነው። ንቅናቄው ሁኔታዎችን ሁሉ አጥንቶ ተስማሚ ሆኖ ባገኘበት ሰዓት በቆሰለው አውሬ ላይ የማያዳግም እርምጃ እንደሚወስድ ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ በተደጋጋሚ ገልጿል። ንቅናቄያችን አገራችንን ከቆሰለው አውሬ ቁጥጥር ሙሉ በሙሉ ካላቀቀ በሁዋላ፣ ሁሉም ኢትዮጵያዊ በጋራ መክሮና ዘክሮ የሚገነባት የነጻነትና የእኩልነት አገር እንዲኖረን ለማስቻል አቅም የፈቀደለትን ሁሉ ከማድረግ ለአፍታም ቢሆን ወደ ኋላ እንደማይል ፣ የንቅናቄው ሊቀመንበር እና የመላው አባላቱ ተወካዮች በቅርቡ ባካሄዱዋቸው ጉባኤዎች በድጋሜ አረጋግጠዋል።

በአገር ቤትና በውጪ የሚኖረው ህዝባችንም በበኩሉ ይህ የቆሰለ አውሬ የሚወስዳቸውን እርምጃዎች ለማክሸፍ ከዚህ የሚከተሉትን እርምጃዎች እንደአካባቢው ተጨባጭ ሁኔታ መውሰድ ይኖርበታል።

1ኛ. በየቀኑ የሚካሄዱ ህዝባዊ እንቅስቃሴዎችን ትኩረት ሰጥቶ መከታተልና መረጃ መሰብሰብ:: ያገኛቸውንም መረጃዎች ወዲያውኑ ለመገናኛ ብዙሃን ማቀበል

2ኛ. የቆሰለው አውሬ አንዱን ሃይማኖት ከሌላው ሃይማኖት፣ አንዱን ብሄር ከሌላው ብሄር ለማጋጨት የሚያደርገውን ጥረት ማክሸፍንና ፣ ማጋለጥ።

3ኛ. ለዚህ እኩይ ስራ የሚሰለፉ ሃይሎችን ማስጠንቀቅ፣ ማጋለጥና እንደ አስፈላጊነቱ ተመጣጣኝ እርምጃ መውሰድ።

4ኛ. በየአካባቢው የተቀሰቀሱ ተቃውሞዎችን ትንሽ ትልቅ ሳይባል መቀላቀል። በተለይ የወያኔ የነርቭ ማእከል ናቸው በሚባሉት ተቋማት ላይ እርምጃ መውሰድ።

5ኛ. የወያኔን አገዛዝ ለመለወጥ በትግል ላይ ያሉ ድርጅቶችን በማቴሪያል፣ በገንዘብና በማንኛውም ነገር መርዳት።

6ኛ. በሁለገብ ትግሉ እየተሳተፉ ያሉ ሃይሎችን በአካል መቀላቀል፣ ካልተቻለም መረጃ በማቀበል ማገዝ።

7ኛ. ወያኔ በመካከላችን የዘረጋውን የልዩነት አጥር በማፍረስ ጥርጣሬና አለመተማመን እንዳይኖር ማድረግ፡ እያንዳንዱ ለሁሉም ሁሉም ለያንዳንዱ ወገናዊነቱን መግለጽ፤ የጎንዮሽ ሽኩቻዎችን ማቆምና የፖለቲካ መስመር ልዩነቶቻችንን ለማጥበብ ዝግጁ መሆን።

8ኛ. የእርስ በርስ ትብብርን ማጠናከር አንዱ ሲጎዳ ሌላው እያከመ፣ ሁሉም ተቃውሞውን በየአቅጣጫው መጀመር።

አርበኞች ግንቦት7 እንደቆሰለ አውሬ መፈራገጥ የጀመረው የወያኔ አገዛዝ በአገራችንና በህዝባችን ላይ ሊያደርስ የሚችለው አደጋ እንዲቀንስና ድህሬ ወያኔ የህዝቦቿን አንድነት በእኩልነት የምታረጋግጥ የተረጋጋች ፣ ሰላምና ብልጽግና የሰፈነባት አገር ለመመሥረት ከሚሹ የአገሪቱ ልጆች ሁሉ ጋር እጅ ለእጅ በመያያዝ የነጻነት ቀን እንደሚያቃርብ እርግጠኛ ነው ።

የወያኔን የሥልጣን እድሜ ለማሳጠር ሁላችንም ለተግባራዊ ትግል ዛሬውኑ ታጥቀን በቆራጥነት እንነሳ!

ድል ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ !
አርበኞች ግንቦት7