Behind the Violence in Ethiopia

Will Its Experiment With Ethnic Federalism Work?

by Harry Verhoeven

Western diplomats and intelligence services are scrambling to assess a series of alarming protests in Ethiopia.

(Foreign Affairs)— When U.S. President Barack Obama visited Africa a year ago, he ended his five-day tour by visiting Ethiopia, the continent’s second-most-populous country. He ­enthusiastically praised Addis Ababa for its role in regional peacemaking, most visibly in and between Sudan and South Sudan, as well for as its careful management of its diverse population; the country is home to tens of millions of Muslims and Christians, who, for the most part, live together peacefully. Obama also highlighted Ethiopia’s track record as a developmental state. In the last quarter century, it has lifted millions of people out of extreme poverty, cut child mortality rates for those under five by more than two-thirds, and overseen a decline in HIV/AIDS-related deaths by more than 50 percent. With Somalia haunted by the jihadist group al Shabab, South Sudan facing an all-out civil war, and Eritrea hemorrhaging thousands of young people fleeing to Europe via the Mediterranean, Ethiopia stood out as a bastion of progress and stability.Dozens arrested in Ethiopia anti-government protest

Yet today, Western diplomats and intelligence services are scrambling to assess a series of alarming protests in Ethiopia—what activists have labeled #EthiopiaProtests—that are raising questions about whether Africa’s brightest growth story of the last decade is about to unravel. There have been months of demonstrations in Addis Ababa and the surrounding region of Oromia, where more than 35 percent of the Ethiopian population lives. Thousands of Oromo are contesting the unequal gains of the country’s developmental programs, even in the face of live bullets. But what has really instilled a sense of crisis is the violence that has rocked the Amhara region, where long-standing tensions boiled over into the ambush of a senior federal police commander and Amhara protesters, armed with guns, fighting street battles with soldiers. Nobody knows the official body count, but at least several hundred have died over the past few months.

Understanding the demonstrations, and their violent escalations by both security forces and protesters, requires a look at the ideology and political practices of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which has governed the country since its overthrow of a military dictatorship in 1991. The protests, which are neither a new phenomenon nor uniform in their demands, revolve around the fundamental question at the heart of Ethiopian politics in both the twentieth and the twenty-first centuries: how to turn a violently built, multiethnic former empire into a modern nation-state.

Hundreds of thousands of protesters call for a regime change in Ethiopia

The answer for the EPRDF has always been a combination of ethnic federalism, revolutionary democracy, and state-led development. The party emerged out of decades of civil war, in which ethnically based rebel fronts confronted central (or rather, centralizing) governments in Addis Ababa, and it consists of a coalition of several of these groups. Among them, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front is the first among equals, even though it hails from a region where only seven percent of the population lives. Because the EPRDF came to power by drawing on resentment against the ethno-chauvinism of successive Amhara-dominated regimes, there was a real risk that the country would disintegrate into the kind of anarchy that characterized Somalia at the time. The Front’s solution was to grant self-determination, including the right of secession, to all of Ethiopia’s nations and nationalities: instead of denying ethno-regional identity, the EPRDF turned it into the cornerstone of its new state, hoping to draw out the venom from the imperial legacy of coerced assimilation. After decades of civil war, Eritrea peacefully left Ethiopia in 1993, but the other ethnic groups—including the Oromo, Tigrayans, and Amhara—remained, having been granted self-rule within regional states.

This solution struck many constitutionalists as unworkable because it appeared to institutionalize inter-regional confrontation, thereby merely postponing Ethiopia’s dissolution. But because of the EPRDF’s Marxist-Leninist leanings, its interpretation of ethnic federalism was borrowed from Stalin’s template for how to organize a multinational federation: autonomous states can be kept together only by the ironclad grip of a vanguard party. This ideology continues to guide the Front today. As a result, the EPRDF dominates all regional states through satellite parties in an attempt to harmonize socioeconomic policies and prevent a resurgence of ethnic antagonisms. Political organization is everything for the Front: it rejects Western liberal democracy and instead practices “revolutionary democracy,” which prioritizes Leninist democratic centralism while recruiting millions of Ethiopians from all ethnic groups into party ranks. The role of the masses is hence framed in terms of revolutionary and administrative mobilization, not liberal participation.

The endurance of this ideology is also evident in the EPRDF’s long-term strategy to overcome ethno-regional rifts. Marxist ideology posits that ethnic identity is “false consciousness” and that the only true division in society is class; the political gamble underpinning the EPRDF’s developmental state project is that the material transformation of Ethiopia, particularly its rural areas, will ultimately lead people to forget the identity politics of old. The historical materialism of the Front, along with an organiz­­ational culture of secrecy nurtured by the armed struggle, also explains its distrust of liberal democracy: the people simply cannot yet be trusted with bourgeois freedoms.

For years, the triad of ethnic federalism, revolutionary democracy, and state-led development allowed the EPRDF to claim that it embodied legitimate and, above all, highly effective government: if Ethiopia receives several billions of dollars annually in overseas assistance it is not just because it has been an indispensable partner in the global war on terrorism but also because aid experts remain thrilled about the success of pro-poor government programs in education, health, and infrastructure. But now, the EPRDF is facing a crisis of authority, with both its legitimacy and its effectiveness in question.

Take ethnic federalism. Initially, the idea of retaining local language and identities, of nations and nationalities electing their own representatives, was genuinely popular. From the start, conflict within and between the new regions—often about the status of minorities within the redrawn administrative borders—was expected and, indeed, has claimed hundreds of lives annually since 1994; in that sense, #ethiopianprotests is nothing new. But the EPRDF always argued that ethnic federalism would decentralize violence, thus removing an existential threat to Ethiopian unity, and ultimately cause parochial attachments to wither under a new nation-state identity. A quarter century later, however, ethno-regional loyalties seems to have lost little of their mobilizing appeal, including their incendiary potential to be manipulated by zealous diaspora politicians. Ethnic-tinged antigovernment protests and violence have recently rocked places that have been transformed by economic growth, such as the Amhara capital, Bahir Dar, and Adama, Oromia’s most dynamic city, but have occurred for years in long-marginalized peripheries, such as Gambella, in western Ethiopia, and the Somali region. For all the talk of cross-ethnic alliances by some commentators, little unites the opposition: while Amhara chauvinists fly the flag of the old unitary state, Oromo secessionists demand the country’s breakup. Yet even if Ethiopians can’t agree on what constitutional reform should look like, ethnic federalism faces existential questioning from the peripheries to the center.

Revolutionary democracy has also run into trouble. The ethno-regional satellites that, with the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, compose the EPRDF have been increasingly delegitimized by corruption scandals and ineffective leadership. Their role in implementing ethnic federalism and developmentalism is pivotal but they are widely seen as feeble. Some Oromo and Amhara politicians within the Front are trying to use the protests in their regions to gain greater influence and resources, arguing that only they can act as middlemen between the overbearing center and the restless masses, but such scheming is resented by the politburo in Addis. Nationally, the EPRDF has large problems of its own; the 2012 death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who expertly but ruthlessly ruled Ethiopia for 21 years, created a leadership vacuum that has not been filled, leading to institutional paralysis and Machiavellian jockeying in a party and country used to the strictest application of democratic centralism. For example, in March 2016, just after the new prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, apologized for the shooting of Oromo protesters and promised that the repression would end immediately, the Tigrayan-controlled security services intensified the crackdown, making their “boss” look powerless.

This highly combustible mixture—a divided political center, an ineffective and ambiguous regional elite, and the ideological legacies of Marxism-Leninism and the liberation struggle—is at the root of today’s unrest. To quell the masses, the EPRDF must face the ironic predicament in which it finds itself: economic development and ethno-regional empowerment have, predictably, lead to a classic revolution of rising expectations. The Front’s problem is not that ordinary Ethiopians deny the country’s progress—that so many of them can put their children in school or receive electricity at home. It is that millions of them—whether or not they participate in, or even approve of, the protests—feel that the current dysfunction within the political system is hampering an equitable partaking of the economic boom. In a striking parallel with the dilemma facing the Chinese Communist Party, with which it maintains excellent ties, the EPRDF knows that it has the most impressive track record of any Ethiopian government in modern history but that its control is being undermined by soaring levels of internal rent-seeking. If the party wants to survive, it must address the corruption that so angers its citizenry. In doing so, it will not only further raise expectations, but also be compelled to confront its delusions about what the theory and practice of ethnic federalism can achieve and, above all, question the privileges select elites have so far enjoyed.

– See more at: http://ecadforum.com/2016/08/31/behind-the-violence-in-ethiopia/#sthash.q7lVaKRj.dpuf

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Once a Bucknell Professor, Now the Commander of an Ethiopian Rebel Army

Why Berhanu Nega traded a tenured position for the chance to lead a revolutionary force against an oppressive regime.

by Joshua Hammer | The New York Times Magazine

Berhanu Nega traded a tenured position for the chance to lead a revolutionary force against an oppressive regime.

Berhanu Nega was once one of Bucknell University’s most popular professors. An Ethiopian exile with a Ph.D. from the New School for Social Research in Manhattan, he taught one of the economics department’s most sought-after electives, African Economic Development. When he wasn’t leading seminars or puttering around his comfortable home in a wooded neighborhood five minutes from the Bucknell campus in rural Lewisburg, Pa., Nega traveled abroad for academic conferences and lectured on human rights at the European Parliament in Brussels. “He was very much concerned with the relationship between democracy and development,” says John Rickard, an English professor who became one of his close friends. “He argued that you cannot have viable economic development without democratization, and vice versa.” A gregarious and active figure on campus, he rooted for the Philadelphia Eagles and the Cleveland Cavaliers, campaigned door-to-door for Barack Obama in 2008 and was known as one of the best squash players on the Bucknell faculty. He and his wife, an Ethiopian-born optometrist, raised two sons and sent them to top-ranked colleges, the University of Pennsylvania and Carnegie Mellon. On weekends he sometimes hosted dinners for other Bucknell professors and their families, regaling them with stories about Abyssinian culture and history over Ethiopian food he would prepare himself; he imported the spices from Addis Ababa and made the injera, a spongy sourdough bread made of teff flour, by hand.

Nega remained vague about his past. But students curious enough to Google him would discover that the man who stood before them, outlining development policies in sub-Saharan Africa, was in fact intimately involved in the long-running hostility between Ethiopia and neighboring Eritrea, a conflict that has dragged on for half a century. By the start of the millennium, its newest incarnation, a border war over a patch of seemingly worthless ground just 250 square miles in size, devolved into a tense standoff, with the two nations each massing along the border thousands of troops from both official and unofficial armies. One proxy army fighting on the Eritrean side, a group of disaffected Ethiopians called Ginbot 7, was a force that Nega helped create, founding the movement in 2008 with another Ethiopian exile, Andargachew Tsege, in Washington. The Ethiopian government, which had previously detained Nega as a political prisoner for two years in Addis Ababa, now sentenced him to death in absentia. Bucknell students who did learn about their teacher’s past were thrilled. “It made his classes exciting,” Rickard says.

In Ginbot 7, Tsege served as the political leader based in Eritrea; Nega was the group’s intellectual leader and principal fund-raiser, collecting money from members of the Ethiopian diaspora in Europe and the United States. That all changed one day in June 2014, when Tsege, known to everyone as Andy, made a brief stopover in Sanaa, the capital of Yemen, on his way to Asmara, the capital of Eritrea. As he sat in the airport transit lounge, waiting to board his flight, Yemeni security forces, apparently acting in collusion with Ethiopian intelligence, arrested him and put him on a plane to Addis Ababa, where he was paraded on state television and currently faces a death sentence.

Days after Tsege’s arrest and extradition, Nega volunteered to replace him in Eritrea. “Was I going to remain an academic, sitting in an ivory tower criticizing things?” he told me. “Or was I going to do something as an engaged citizen?” Nega put his house up for sale and took an indefinite leave of absence from the university. It was an extended sabbatical, he told his colleagues. Only a handful of close friends, his wife and his two sons knew the truth.

On a hot July afternoon in 2015, Nega packed a suitcase, bade his wife farewell and was driven by comrades to John F. Kennedy International Airport. He carried a laissez-passer from the Eritrean government, allowing him a one-time entry into the country. Nega was heading for a new life inside a destitute dictatorship sometimes referred to as the North Korea of Africa; the regime was notorious for having supported the Shabab, an Islamist terrorist group in Somalia, and for a military conscription program that condemns many citizens over age 18 to unlimited servitude. Nega also believes he has drawn the scrutiny of the Obama administration and was worried about being stopped and turned around by Homeland Security. It wasn’t until the wheels on the EgyptAir jet were up and he was settling into his seat over the Atlantic Ocean, bound for one of the most isolated and repressive nations on Earth, that he was able to relax.

The lights cut out above Nega one chilly night this July, and the rebel chief sat in darkness in a bungalow in Asmara, Eritrea’s 7,600-foot-high capital. Nega had spread a map on a coffee table, and he was showing me the route for a clandestine mission that he planned to undertake the following morning. At dawn, he and a comrade would drive 300 miles southwest to the mined, militarized border between Eritrea and Ethiopia to rendezvous with intelligence sources at a rebel base camp. His contacts were smuggling across the border “highly sensitive information” about Ethiopian troop positions and about the strength of resistance cells inside Ethiopia, whom Nega was hoping to link up with his own fighters on the Eritrean side of the border.

“They’ve got documents, and they insist on handing them over only to me,” Nega told me. “When there is sensitive material, they first want me to see it and then filter the information to the rest of the organization.” Nega, a burly, balding 58-year-old with a rumpled facade and an appealingly unassuming manner, rubbed his forehead as the lights flickered and then returned. In recent years, Ginbot 7 has grown, and it is now guided by an 80-member council of representatives spread around the world. As commander, Nega oversees several hundred rebel fighters in Eritrea as well as an unknown number of armed members inside Ethiopia who carry out occasional attacks in the movement’s name. During his frequent visits to the front lines, he spends his time meeting with fellow commanders, observing training and — ever the professor — leading history and democracy seminars using chalk and a blackboard in a “classroom” in the bush.

Nega turned back to the map and traced a straight line leading to the Tekeze River, the westernmost border between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The stream was a main crossing point for Ethiopian Army deserters fleeing to the rebels, and in recent weeks it had come under threat from advancing Ethiopian troops. “They are moving a sizable force into this area, because we are their main target now,” he said, referring to Ginbot 7, now known as Patriotic Ginbot 7. “And they are pushing a large part of their army, artillery and tanks into this zone. They haven’t started shelling us yet.”

The two nations, now ferocious enemies, were once joined. Eritrea, an Italian colony from 1890 until 1941, was annexed by Ethiopia after World War II; it took a three-decades-long war for the Eritreans to finally liberate themselves, in 1991. The neighbors remained at peace until 1998, when a simmering dispute over the Yirga triangle, a piece of rocky land along the border that had never been clearly demarcated in colonial maps, exploded into two years of tank and trench warfare in which 100,000 died. Today, despite a United Nations-supervised mediation that awarded the disputed territory to Eritrea, Ethiopia continues to occupy the border village Badame. Tens of thousands of troops face each other across a landscape of mines, bunkers, sniper posts and other fortifications.

Violence on the border, while infrequent, can be both sudden and brutal. In mid-June, according to the Eritrean government, Ethiopia launched a full-scale attack along the frontier at Tsorona, the first major incursion since 2012, possibly in retaliation for attacks on its forces by Ginbot 7. Eritrea claimed that it had killed 200 enemy soldiers and wounded 300, though Ethiopia downplayed its losses. “They almost always deny it,” Nega told me. “As far as the Ethiopian government is concerned, nobody ever dies.”

Ethiopia, while an American ally and an economic leader by African standards, is notoriously repressive. The minority Tigrayan regime has jailed hundreds of bloggers, journalists and opposition figures, keeping itself in power by intimidating political opponents, rigging elections and violently putting down protests. Since November of last year, according to Human Rights Watch, state security forces killed more than 400 protesters in the Oromia region, which surrounds Addis Ababa. Protests have recently spread to the Amhara region, as well; in August, security forces shot dead roughly 100 demonstrators and injured hundreds more. Thousands of Oromos, a minority group that makes up about a third of the population, have been jailed without trial on suspicion of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front, a secessionist group. The Ethiopian marathoner Feyisa Lilesa, who won the silver medal at the Olympics this year, drew global attention to the government’s abuses when he held his crossed arms over his head at the finish line in solidarity with his fellow Oromos; he says he fears returning home and is seeking political asylum.

Across the room in Nega’s bungalow, four fellow rebel commanders, all members of the Ethiopian diaspora, were finishing their supper. The men tore off pieces of injera and dipped the bread into a thick sauce called shiro, washing down the meal with bottles of the local Asmara beer. Esat, an Ethiopian opposition satellite channel broadcast from Europe and the United States, played softly on a television in the corner. The men were part of a revolving contingent of commanders who returned to Asmara from time to time to check their email and escape the primitive conditions in the bush. “We are five right now,” Nega said, introducing me to his comrades from Dallas; Arlington, Va.; Calgary, Canada; and Luxembourg. “Another, from the United Kingdom, is returning here tomorrow morning. We’ll be six when he comes. Last week we were eight — at one point we were 11.”

The house also serves as an infirmary for rebels who become ill or are wounded in combat, and it provides a temporary sanctuary for Ethiopian Army defectors who cross the front lines. One recent arrival was a former Ethiopian Air Force officer, an Oromo who had traveled north 42 hours by bus and on foot, then swum across the Tekeze River to Eritrea. He made the decision to defect while sitting in an Addis Ababa jail cell on “false charges,” he told me, of being a member of the Oromo secessionist movement.

“We have many like him,” Nega said.

Nega put on his jacket to head off in search of diesel fuel for the morning journey to the border. With another rebel comrade from Virginia, we drove down the deserted, lightless streets of Asmara, searching for an open filling station, but the one we found had run out of diesel; Nega would have to return the next morning, delaying his departure for the front lines. When we returned to his home, Nega pointed to a pile of medical supplies in the hallway — bandages, splints, antibiotics, antimalarials — that he was planning to ferry to his fighters, and three cardboard boxes packed with solar cells that would provide some rudimentary electricity in the bush. While in the camps, Nega was dependent on his mobile phone for contact with the outside world, but even that was not guaranteed. “They have shut off phone coverage since the incursion” by the Ethiopians at Tsorona, he told me. “I’ll be out of touch for days.”

When I first met Nega, in late May 2016, the conditions were decidedly more comfortable. After 10 months in Asmara, Nega had flown back to the United States to attend meetings and the graduation of his younger son, Iyassu, from the University of Pennsylvania. Given his deepening involvement in a rebellion against an American ally, it was possible that this would be the last time he could visit the United States. Indeed, Nega, who is not an American citizen, had his State Department-issued “travel document” suspended three years ago, and his application for United States citizenship has been put on indefinite hold. He now travels on an Eritrean passport; together with his green card, it gained him entry into the country — this time. The State Department would not comment on Nega or Ginbot 7, but Nega surmises that the Obama administration does not look favorably on his activities. Still, he insists, “nobody is saying, ‘Back off.’ I think they know that this is not about being against the U.S. We are upholding the basic principles under which the U.S. was established.”

We met over Memorial Day weekend on the terrace of the upscale Café Dupont on Dupont Circle in Washington, joined by his sister Hiwot, who runs a technology start-up in New York, and Iyassu, a 21-year-old former high-school track star who was starting work at a New York investment bank in the fall. Over white wine and chicken salad, the conversation touched on Lin-Manuel Miranda’s commencement address and Nega’s excitement over crossing paths, after the ceremony, with Donald Trump and Vice President Joe Biden. (Trump’s daughter and Biden’s granddaughter were members of Iyassu’s graduating class.) I asked Iyassu if he had reconciled himself to the idea of his father’s new life on the front lines, and he said that he had. “Ultimately he should continue to pursue what he believes in,” he told me. He expressed little interest, though, in visiting his father at his Eritrean rebel camp or delving deeper into the raison d’être of the Ginbot 7 movement. “I just got out of college — my life has its own direction,” he said. “I can’t take time off. … I’m a little bit removed generationally as well.”

The elder Nega is part of a generation of Ethiopians who grew up amid violence and tumult. Over lunch, he recalled what it was like to be a high-school student when a Marxist junta, the Soviet-backed Derg, overthrew Emperor Haile Selassie and ushered in a brutal dictatorship. Nega had grown up privileged, the son of a wealthy entrepreneur, and he watched as his father’s vast commercial corn and soybean farms were seized and security forces began arresting, imprisoning and executing thousands of dissidents, including many students. He and his two older sisters joined a resistance movement called the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (E.P.R.P.). They went underground, living in safe houses, eluding the police. His eldest sister was later captured and disappeared in the Derg’s prisons. His family searched for her everywhere.

“We had people coming to our house and telling my parents, ‘I saw her at this place.’ My mother used to go out all over looking for her,” Nega recalls. Her former cellmates later told him that she had died in prison, probably by committing suicide with a cyanide capsule that she wore around her neck. “It was common to have cyanide with you because if you were caught, you would be tortured and executed, and through torture you might be forced to betray people,” Nega said. As the crackdown in Addis intensified, the E.P.R.P. sent Nega north to Tigray province, the center of a growing guerrilla war against the Derg; there, he carried out attacks on government forces. In 1978 a power struggle erupted within the E.P.R.P. leadership, and Nega was thrown into prison. He was released one day before guards turned their guns on the remaining prisoners, killing 15. Nega escaped to Sudan, living as a refugee in Khartoum for nearly two years, then obtained political asylum in the United States in 1980.
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He earned his bachelor’s degree from the State University of New York at New Paltz, where he also played on the soccer team. While studying for his doctorate at the New School for Social Research, he lived in Brooklyn and wrote his dissertation on the failures of Ethiopian agriculture under the Communist regime. Meanwhile, Ethiopia was sliding deeper into calamity. When the guerrilla movements increased their attacks in Tigray in the mid-1980s, the Derg dictator, Mengistu Haile Mariam, blocked food supplies to the region, creating a devastating famine in which one million people died. Photographs of starving children, disseminated by the news media, catalyzed an international relief effort, Live Aid, and inspired the pop hit “We Are the World,” making Ethiopia a worldwide synonym for hunger. The famine had wound down, and the rebel war was escalating, when Bucknell hired Nega as an assistant professor in 1990. “He never trumpeted his background, the fact that he had been a guerrilla fighter,” says Dean Baker, a former Bucknell colleague who now heads the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington.

In 1991, after a decade’s struggle, three rebel groups — the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, the Oromo Liberation Front and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front — defeated the Derg and marched into Addis Ababa. The new government, led by the Tigrayan rebel leader Meles Zenawi, set about rebuilding the war-shattered nation. Nega finally had reason for optimism. He knew Meles well — the prime minister had been in the same university class as his dead sister — and after the Tigrayans consolidated power, Nega obtained a leave of absence from Bucknell and flew with his wife and two sons, both toddlers, back to Addis, determined to help rebuild the country. Nega believed that Meles “had good intentions,” he told me.

But Nega’s enthusiasm for the new government wore off quickly. At Addis Ababa University, where he taught part-time (he had also taken over several of his father’s businesses), administrators cracked down on dissent, banning the student government and the school newspaper. When Nega encouraged his students to press for academic freedoms, police assaulted them and other demonstrators; later, as unrest spread through the city, they shot 41 people dead. Nega spent a month in jail for abetting the protests. “At night I was hearing prisoners being tortured, beaten,” he says.

In May 2005, with the economy growing rapidly and the government’s popularity appar­ently high, Ethiopia held elections, the first truly multiparty vote in Ethiopia’s history, and invited international observers to attend. But the results were not to Meles’s liking. Nega’s Coalition for Unity and Democracy won 137 of the 138 seats on the City Council in Addis Ababa. Nega was poised to become mayor, but the government denied his party the victory and jailed him along with other C.U.D. leaders. American colleagues began a campaign to free Nega. “The Bucknell faculty approved a motion to support him and call attention to his plight,” Rickard says. “We talked with journalists, ambassadors, trying to make sure that he stayed on the front burner.” International pressure helped to secure Nega’s release after 21 months, and he returned to the United States. The experience “hardened him,” says Samuel Adamassu, a member of the Ethio­pian diaspora who has known Nega and his family since the 1980s. “It made him realize these people are not willing to change without being forced.”

After our lunch in Washington, I attended a fund-raising rally for Ginbot 7 at the Georgetown Marriott, attended by about 500 members of the Ethiopian diaspora. Nega stood before a backdrop of Ethiopian and American flags. It would be a fight to the death, he assured the cheering crowd. “There is no negotiation with someone who is coming to rape you,” Nega went on in Amharic, the principal language of Ethiopia. “We have to stop them.” The contrast between the mild-mannered academic I had met on the patio of the Café Dupont and the fiery rebel leader was striking. Nega announced that he had brought news from the front lines: Guerillas claiming loyalty to his movement had carried out their most significant attack to date, outside the town Arba Minch, in southern Ethiopia, formerly the site of an American drone base. “We killed 20 soldiers and injured 50 of them,” he said, calling it “a new stage in the struggle.” (The Ethiopian government claimed they foiled the attack and killed some of the gunman.)

When Nega helped found the Ginbot 7 movement in 2008, the year he returned to teaching at Bucknell, he explained that the movement would seek to “organize civil disobedience and help the existing armed movements” inside and outside Ethiopia and “put pressure on the government, and the international community, to come to a negotiation.” Yet the Ginbot 7 platform advocated destabilizing the government “by any means necessary,” including attacks on soldiers and police. It was a discordant message coming out of a liberal American university whose first class was held in the basement of the First Baptist Church of Lewisburg in 1846. “It’s a line that he has crossed,” says Rickard, the English professor, who finds Nega’s advocacy of violence “troubling” but understandable. “He has never been a pacifist, never renounced armed struggle,” he says. “He has seen elections overturned, hundreds of people murdered on the streets. His sister died, and his best friend is in prison, in peril of his life. He sees violence as viable and necessary. It’s kind of shocking, in a way.”

While Ginbot 7 started to foment its resistance, Ethiopia was busy rebranding itself as an economic success story. Following South Korean and Chinese models of state-directed development, Meles borrowed from state-owned banks and used Western aid money to invest heavily in dams, airlines, agriculture, education and health care. Ethiopia’s economy took off, averaging nearly 11 percent growth per year for the last decade, one of the highest rates in Africa. Addis Ababa became the showpiece of the country’s transformation, with a light rail system, ubiquitous high-rise construction and luxury hotels, high-end restaurants and wine bars packed with newly minted millionaires. At the same time, the country was becoming a bulwark against the spread of radical Islam in the Horn of Africa. Today Ethiopia provides 4,400 peacekeepers to an African Union force in Somalia and helps keep the peace along the tense border between North and South Sudan. In July 2015 President Obama, on an African tour, paid the first visit ever to Ethiopia by a sitting American president.

Yet in the classroom and abroad, Nega argued that Ethiopia’s transformation was a mirage, created to placate Western observers troubled by the lack of democracy. “In 2005, it became clear that legitimacy would not come through the political process, so they started this new narrative — development,” he told me. Nega insists that Ethiopia has “cooked the books,” and that its growth rate is largely attributable to huge infrastructure projects and Western development aid, with little contribution from the private sector. “The World Bank is throwing money at Ethiopia like there’s no tomorrow,” he told me. The actual growth rate, he insists, is closer to 5 to 6 percent — per capita income is still among the lowest in the world — and the weakness of the country’s institutions will mean that even this rate cannot be sustained.

Two months before Obama arrived, the government presided over what was widely considered a sham election, in which the ruling party won all 547 seats in Parliament, But Obama, making it clear that security trumped other concerns in the Horn of Africa, stood beside Meles’s successor, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, and described the government as being “democratically elected.”

“I was shocked,” Nega told me. “ I understand the reality of power and why he supports the Ethiopian government, but to say it is ‘democratically elected’? I was disgusted.”

Three days after my first meeting with Nega in Asmara, and shortly after he returned from his border rendezvous, we drove in the late afternoon in his white Hilux pickup truck through the landscape of his new life. We passed the run-down and nearly deserted Asmara Palace Hotel, formerly an Intercontinental Hotel, and a large Catholic church that Nega couldn’t identify. “I’m a lousy tourist guide,” he said apologetically. While in Asmara, he spends most of his time hunkered down either in his residence or at a borrowed office in the center of town — one of the few places in the city with a high-speed internet connection. Eritrea has the lowest internet penetration in the world, with only about 1 percent of the population online, and this rare broadband connection allows him to catch up regularly on Skype with his sons and his wife. “I don’t think she’s very happy about my being here,” he admitted, shifting uncomfortably. “We have really stopped talking about it.”

Immediately following its independence in the early 1990s, under the rebel-leader-turned-president Isaias Afwerki, Eritrea was briefly considered one of the hopes of Africa. When I visited the country in 1996, five years after it won its liberation from Ethiopia, the former rebels were starting to revive the wrecked economy — rebuilding roads, bridges and a railway to the coast, calling on the Eritrean diaspora to invest. But after the border war between 1998 and 2000, Eritrea’s leadership turned inward, growing increasingly suspicious of the outside world. Afwerki suppressed dissent, expelled Western journalists and NGOs, turned down foreign aid, nationalized industries and discouraged foreign investment; according to the World Bank, per capita income is about $1,400 a year. In 2009 the United Nations Security Council imposed sanctions on Eritrea, including an arms em­bargo and a travel ban and a freeze on the assets of top Eritrean officials, for providing weapons to the Shabab, the radical Islamist group that has carried out hundreds of terrorist attacks in Somalia and neighboring Kenya. (Eritrea called the allegation “fabricated lies.”) A June 2016 United Nations report accused the Eritrean government of committing “crimes against human­ity,” including torture, jailing dissidents and the open-ended military conscription program that the government justifies as preparation against another Ethiopian invasion.

With virtually no investment coming into the country, Asmara has become a city frozen in time. Two donkeys meandered down Harnet Avenue, the capital’s main boulevard, stopping to nibble at a patch of grass around a palm tree. As we watched the crowds walk down the tidy avenue lined by an imposing red brick cathedral, a 1930s-era Art Deco movie theater and crumbling Italian bakeries and cappuccino bars, Nega defended his decision to turn to the dictatorship for support.

“Do we really have to discuss the kind of dictatorships that the U.S. sleeps with?” he asked me. “Here is a country that was willing to give us sanctuary, a country that had once been part of Ethiopia. I look at any of these people, I talk to them, and they are just like me, they are as Ethiopian as I am. Why should I not get help from them?”

Nega insisted that he saw some positives in the dictatorship. “This is the only country that says, despite its poverty, ‘We are going to chart our own course — whether you like it or not,’ ” he told me. “They are not corrupt. You see these government officials driving 1980s cars, torn down the middle. I have seen their lives, their houses. There is some element of a David-and-Goliath struggle in this thing.” He called the United Nations report describing crimes against humanity an “exaggeration.” (A Western diplomat in Asmara I talked to, who asked not to be identified because of the political sensitivities of his position, agreed with Nega’s assessment of the report, saying it was based on testimony of refugees in Europe who had “an interest in depicting their country as badly as possible to justify their status.”)

It goes without saying that Nega was reluctant to speak harshly about the nation that was providing his movement with a refuge — and that could snatch it away at any moment. “I don’t want to butt into their personal issues,” he said carefully. “They’ve always been nice to us.” Out of the public eye, however, the rebel leader can be more critical. “He holds no illusions about Eritrea,” says his friend and former Bucknell colleague Dean Baker.

I asked Nega if he was confident that pressure by the rebel groups could bring down the Ethiopian government. Nega believed that momentum was on his side. “This resistance to the state is coming in every direction now, in all parts of the country,” he said. He was giving himself “four or five years” before he and his rebel forces entered Ethiopia as part of a new democratic dispensation. “It certainly won’t be a decade,” he told me.

Until that happens, Nega will continue planning and preparing from a precarious and lonely limbo. Back at the bungalow, he led me down the corridor and showed me where he slept: a monastic chamber furnished with a single bed, an armoire and a night table strewn with jars of vitamins and blood-pressure medication. (He lost his medical insurance when he left Bucknell, but still has American insurance coverage through his wife, and he picked up a three-month supply of the medicine on his May trip to the United States.) He retrieved from the freezer a chilled bottle of Absolut and poured two glasses. We sat in the concrete courtyard, beside a clothesline draped with Nega’s laundry. The power failed again, casting us into total darkness, then returned a few seconds later. The contrast with his previous life in the States — cheering for the Lewisburg Green Dragons, his son’s high-school track team; vacationing on the beaches of Maryland and North Carolina with his extended family — could hardly have been more extreme.

“If you like comfort, and that’s what drives you, you’ll never do this,” he told me, taking a sip of the ice-cold vodka. “But sometimes you get really surprised. Once you have a commitment to something, all these things that you thought were normal in your day-to-day life become unnecessary luxuries.”

_____________________

Joshua Hammer is a freelance foreign correspondent and the author of “The Bad-Ass Librarians of Timbuktu.”

– See more at: http://ecadforum.com/2016/08/31/once-a-bucknell-professor-now-the-commander-of-an-ethiopian-rebel-army/#sthash.InvOb8L1.dpuf

“የባንኮች የመተርከክ (hack የመደረግ) ሽብር” አገሪቷን እንዳያናውጥ ተሰግቷል

በጎልጉል የድረገጽ ጋዜጣ

Unrest Bank - satenawህወሃት/ኢህአዴግን በየቦታው እየናጠው ያለው ተቃውሞ በኢትዮጵያ የገንዘብ ቀውስ ሊያስከትል ይችላል የሚል ግምት ተሰጥቶታል፡፡ ችግሩ ባንኮች ላይ የገንዘብ እጥረት እንደሚያስከትልና ባንኮችን ሽብር ውስጥ ሊከታቸው እንደሚችል በስፋት እየተነገረ ነው፤ ደምበኞች ስለገንዘባቸው የሚጠነቀቁበት ጊዜ አሁን ነው፡፡ ህዝባዊ ቁጣ ያሰጋቸው የአገዛዙ ተጠቃሚዎች የውጭ ምንዛሬ እየሰበሰቡ ሲሆን በፍርሃቻ ንብረት በማስያዝ ከባንክ የሚበደሩት ክፍሎች ቁጥርም በርካታ ሆኗል።

ከ10 ወራት በላይ ያስቆጠረውና ለተጨማሪ የኢኮኖሚ ማዕቀብ ቀን የቆረጠው የኦሮሞ ህዝባዊ እምቢተኛነት (#OromoProtests) ያስከተለውን መንኮታኮት ህወሃት በይፋ ባያሳውቅም በግብር አሰባሰብ፣ በውጭ ምንዛሬ፣ በጠቅላላ የውጭና የውስጥ ንግድ የገቢ ስርዓቱን እንዳናጋው ከፋይናንስ ተቋማት የተገኙ መረጃዎች ያመለክታሉ። ይህ እንግዲህ አሁን እየተሰማ ያለው ባንኮችን የመተርከክ (hack የማድረግ) አደጋ ሳያካትት ነው።

ሕዝባዊ እምቢተኛነቱ አድማሱን አስፍቶ መጓዙ ከክልል እስከ ማዕከላዊው አገዛዝ ድረስ የኢኮኖሚ ጫና ማሳደሩ እየተነገረ ባለበት ባሁኑ ወቅት፣ ተቃውሞውን “ሥርዓቱ በቃን፤ መንግሥት ፈርሷል” በማለት የሚቀላቀሉት የህብረተሰብ ክፍሎች የራሳቸውን የጎበዝ አለቃ አስተዳደር አዋቅረው መተዳደር መጀመራቸው የግብር ገቢውን አሽመድምዶታል፤ አድቅቆታል። ህወሃት አሁን በደረሰበት የቁጣ ማዕበል ደፍቆት ጉዳቱን የሚያጣጥም ስሜት ባይኖረውም ወገቡ ደቅቋል የሚሉ በርካታ ናቸው።

ይህ የራስን አስተዳደር አዋቅሮ የመተዳደር ውሳኔ ቆዳውን እያሰፋ ሲሆን አሁን አገዛዙ የሸፋፈነው የኢኮኖሚ መንኮታኮት፣ በቅርቡ ሊደበቅ በማይችል ሁኔታ ራሱን እንደሚገልጽ ባለሙያዎች ከወዲሁ ተንብየዋል። የመንግስት ግምጃ ቤት መረጃ አቀባዮቹን ጠቅሶ የገለጸው የጎልጉል የአዲስ አበባ መረጃ አቀባይ፣ በከፍተኛ ደረጃ ብር ከባንክ የሚያወጡ መበራከታቸው ተጨማሪ ብር ለማሳተምና ገበያ ውስጥ ለማስገባት ዕቅድ እንዳለ እና አሁን አገሪቱ የምትንከላወሰው በድርቅ ስም ከተገኘ የውጭ ምንዛሬ እንደሆነም ለማወቅ ተችሏል።

በየቦታው የተነሱትን ተቃውሞዎች ለመቆጣጠር የሚመደበው በጀት፣ የፖሊስና ወታደር የውሎ አበል፣ ሰልፍ ለመበተን የሚፈሰው ገንዘብ፣ … ከወጪ በስተቀር ምንም ገቢ የማያስገኝ መሆኑ እየደረሰ ካለው የኢኮኖሚ ድቀት ጋር ተዳምሮ ችግሩን አወሳስቦታ፡፡ አገሪቱ ለውጭ ገበያ የምታቀርበው ምርት በአብዛኛው ከኦሮሚያ የሚገኝ ከመሆኑ አኳያ 10 ወራትን ያስቆጠረው የኦሮሞ ተቃውሞ (#OromoProtests) እጅግ ብዙ መስዋዕትነትን ያስከፈለ ቢሆንም የህወሃትን አከርካሪ እየገዘገዘው እንደሆነ ራሳቸው በአገዛዙ ውስጥ ያሉ እያመኑበት የመጡት እውነታ ነው፡፡ ከዚህ ጋር ተያይዞ በአማራ የተነሳው ተጋድሎና (#AmharaResistance) የቤት ውስጥ አድማ የንግድ እንቅስቃሴን ከመግታት አኳያ የግብር አሰባሰብን በማዳከም የህወሃትን የገንዘብ ቋት እያደረቀው እንደሆነ ከቀናት በፊት በዘገብነው ዜና ላይ በስፋት ተመልክቷል፡፡

ከእነዚህ ተቃውሞዎች ጋር ተያይዞ በየጊዜው የሚካሄደው የአገሪቱን የኢንተርኔት መረብ የመተርከኩ (hack የማድረጉ) ተግባር ህወሃትን በተደጋጋሚ ለከፍተኛ ወጪ ዳርጎታል፡፡ በተለይ ከወራት በፊት በኦሮሞ ተቃውሞአመራሮች የተካሄዱት የመተርከክ ሥራዎች ህወሃት በዘርፉ በቂ ባለሙያ የሌለው መሆኑን ያጋለጠ ሆኗል፡፡ የትምህርት ተቋማትና ሌሎች መ/ቤቶች በየቦታው በተተረከኩ ጊዜ ሁኔታውን ለመከላከል ኤሌክትሪክ ከቆጣሪው የማጥፋት ዓይነት ውሳኔ መወሰዱ ህወሃት ኢንሳ፤ የሳይበር ወንጀል መከላከል፤ … እያለ የሚያወራው ሁሉ ባዶ መሆኑን በይፋ ያሳየ ነበር፡፡ በወቅቱ የተከሰተውን ቀዳዳ ለመድፈንም በይፋ ያልተነገረ በርካታ ሚሊዮኖችን ወጪ እንዳስወጣው በተለያዩ ጊዜያት ለኢህአዴግ ምክርቤት (ባለ መቶ በመቶው ፓርላማ) በቀረቡ ሪፖርቶች ላይ ተመልክቷል፡፡

telecomከዚህ ባለፈ ሰሞኑን በቴሌ ላይ የደረሰው የመተርከክ ሥራ በአንዳንዶች በተሰጠው ግምት መሠረት ቢያንስ እስከ100 ሚሊዮን ብር ኪሣራን አስከትሏል ተብሏል፡፡ በተደጋጋሚ የቴሌን ጓዳ የተረከከው ተግባር ሰዎች ያሻቸው አገር የፈለጉትን ያህል ሰዓት ያለአንዳች ክፍያ ስልክ መደወል እንዲችሉ፤ የስልካቸው ባትሪ ያልቃል ብለው ካልተጨነቁ በስተቀር ስልካቸውን ደውለው ከፍተው ቢተዉት አንዳች ኪሣራ በማያስከትል ሁኔታ “የወተት ላም፤ አንሸጥም፤ እናልበዋለን” የሚባለውን “የቀለጠውን ሰፈር” ባዶውን አስቀርተውታል፡፡ ዛሬም (ነሐሴ 24፤2008) እንዲሁ “ግድግዳው ተቀዶ” ስልክ “በነጻ እየተደወለ ነው፤ ወትሮ የማትጠቀሙበትን ሲም በመጠቀም ዘመድ አዝማዳችሁን ጠይቁበት” በማለት “በሩን የበረገዱት ታጋዮች” መልዕክት ማስተላለፋቸው ከ#OromoProtests አመራሮች ተነግሯል፡፡

ከዚሁ ከኢኮኖሚ ጋር በተያያዘ የኦሮሞ ተቃውሞ (#OromoProtests) አስተባባሪዎች “ከጳጉሜ አንድ እስከ መስከረም ሁለት 2009 ዓ.ም የሚቆይ በስርዓቱ ኢኮኖሚ ላይ ያነጣጠረ ዘመቻ ይደረጋል” በማለት ዝርዝር መግለጫ ሰጥተዋል። “ዓላማውም የስርዓቱን ኢኮኖሚ በመምታት የጭቆና አቅሙን ማንኮታኮት ይሆናል” በሚል ዓላማ ላይ የተመሠረተው ይህ እንቅስቃሴ እስካሁን ከተካሄደው ጋር ተዳምሮ በኢኮኖሚው ላይ የሚኖረው ጫና ቀላል እንደማይሆን ከወዲሁ ተገምቷል።

የቴሌን መረብ በመተርከክ ያለገደብ በነጻ ስልክ ለማስደወል የበቁት የተቃውሞው አካሂያጆች ወደ ባንኮች ከዞሩ የሚያስከትሉት ተጽዕኖ እስካሁን ከደረሰው እጅግ የከፋ ይሆናል፡፡ ይህንኑ ዓይነት እንደምታ ያለው ሃሳብ በተቃውሞው አራማጆች ሲሰነዘር ሰሞኑን መሰማቱ በኅብረተሰቡ ላይ ፍርሃት መጫሩን አንዳንድ መረጃዎች እየጠቆሙ ነው፡፡ ከዚህ ጋር በተያያዘ ይሁን በሌላ፣ ባንኮች ከወትሮው በተለየ ሥራ በዝቶባቸዋል። ከህወሃት የአታላይነትና የሌባ ዓይነደረቅነት አኳያ ደምበኞች የጥንቃቄ እርምጃ መውሰድ መጀመራቸው በተለያዩ ቦታዎች እየታየ ነው፡፡

እንደተባለው የባንኮች መረብ የሚተረከክ ከሆነ ባንኮች ያላቸውን ተቀማጭ ባጭር ጊዜ ውስጥ ስለሚሟጠጥ የሚደርሰውን ኪሣራ ለመከላከል የባንክ ተጠቃሚዎች ገንዘባቸውን በእጃቸው ከማድረግ ጀምሮ ያስቀመጡትን ገንዘብ የሚከላከሉበትን መፍትሔ ካሁኑ ማሰብ ይኖርባቸዋል፡፡ ምክንያቱም ባንኮች ከደንበኞቻቸው የሚሰበስቡትን ሁሉ በእጃቸው ላይ የማያስቀምጡ በመሆናቸው ድንገተኛ የገንዘብ ዕጥረት ውስጥ ስለሚገቡ ይህም ወደ ገንዘብ ቀውስ/ሽብር ውስጥ በቀጥታ ስለሚከታቸው ነው፡፡

የህወሃት አገዛዝ ከየቦታው እየተናጠ ባለበት ባሁኑ ወቅት ራሱ አገዛዙ ያመነው 20.6 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ዕዳ አገሪቱ ላይ ተጭኖባት እያለ የባንኮች መረብ ከተተረከከ (hack ከተደረገ) የገንዘቡ ቋት በየቦታው ይቀደዳል፤ ይህ ደግሞ “የባንክ ሽብር” ይፈጥራል፡፡ ባንኮች በሽብር ውስጥ በሚገቡበት ጊዜ ተቀማጭ ጥሬ ገንዘባቸው ይሟጠጣል፤ ይህንን ቀውስ ለማስተካከል ለቀናት ወይም ለሳምንታት ይዘጋሉ፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ ተጠቃሚውን ኅብረተሰብ ከፍተኛ አደጋ ላይ ይጥላል፡፡ እኤአ በመስከረም 2007ዓም በእንግሊዝ በሚገኝ ባንክ ላይ በደረሰ “የባንክ ሽብር” ምክንያት ደምበኞች ለረጅም ሰልፍ ከመጋለጥ አልፈው በአንድ ቀን ብቻ 1ቢሊዮን ፓውንድ ጥሬ ብር ከባንኩ በማውጣቸው ባንኩ ለመዘጋት ደርሶ ነበር፡፡ በቀጣይም የእንግሊዝ መንግሥት ለደምበኞቹ ማረጋገጫ ዋስትና ቢሰጥም ባንኩ እስኪረጋጋ ለተወሰኑ ቀናት ተዘግቶ ነበር፡፡

ከዚህ አንጻር እንደ ህወሃት/ኢህአዴግ በመዝረፍ ላይ ኅልውናውን የመሠረተ አካል በትርከካው ምክንያት በሚደርሰው ኪሣራ የዜጎችን የባንክ ተቀማጭ ገንዘብ “አላውቅም” ብሎ የማይክድበት ምክንያት እንደማይኖር ከረሃብተኛ ላይ እየቀማ ራሱን ያበለጸገበት ታሪኩ ይመሰክራል፡፡

በመሆኑም በአገር ውስጥ አገዛዙን በሁሉም መስክ እያናወጠ ካለው ተቃውሞና በምዕራባውያን ባንኮች ከደረሰው ልምምድ በመነሳት በአገሪቱ የባንክ አገልግሎት ላይ ቀውስ ከመከሰቱና ባንኮች ሽብር ውስጥ ከመግባታቸው በፊት ዜጎች በየባንኩ ባላቸው ተቀማጭ ገንዘብ ላይ መውሰድ የሚገባቸውን እርምጃ ሳይቀደሙ እንዲቀድሙ ጉዳዩ ያሳሰባቸው ይመክራሉ፡፡

– See more at: http://www.satenaw.com/amharic/archives/20258#sthash.q57LWBhg.dpuf

ይድረስ ለታጋዩ ሕዝባችን (1) [ፍርዱ ዘገዬ (ከአዲስ አበባ)]

 

Printአንደኛ – የማንም ንብረት ቢሆን በተያዘው የሕዝባዊ እምቢተኝነት ሰበብ ማቃጠሉና ማውደሙ ጠቃሚም ተገቢም አይደለም – መራራው የትግል ጉዟችን ብዙ ማስተዋልና ብዙ ማሰላሰል ያለበት ይሁን፡፡ በርግጥ በእስካሁኑ ሁኔታ የዐማራው ትግል ብስለትና ጨዋነት የተሞላበት መሆኑና ልዩ ጥንቃቄ መደረጉ የሚያስመሰግን ነው፡፡ አንዳንዴ የምናየውን የሚቃጠል ወይ የሚወድም ንብረትን ግን ወደ ሕዝብ ሀብትነት ለውጦ ለነጻነት ትግሉ እንዲጠቅም ማድረግ ይቻላል፡፡ ለምሣሌ የዳሸን ቢራን መኪና ወይም የወያኔዎችን ማናቸውንም ከሀገርና ከሕዝብ የዘረፉትን ንብረት ከማውደም በሕዝብ ቁጥጥር አውሎ ለትግሉ ስኬት እንዲያገለግል ማድረግ ይቻላል፡፡ መኪናውን ለዕቃና መሣሪያ ማመላለሻ ቢያውሉት የሚያስከፋ አይደለም፡፡ በመነመነ የሀገር ሀብት በእልህ እየተነሳሱ ቢያቃጥሉና ቢያወድሙ የገዛ ንብረትን እንደማውደም ነውና ሊመከርም ሊበረታታም አይገባውም፡፡

መደረግ ያለበት ጥንቃቄ ግን መረሳት የለበትም፡፡ እነዚህ ሰዎች የመጨረሻ ከይሲ ስለሆኑ የሚበሉና የሚጠጡ ነገሮች ላይ በተለይ በጣም መጠንቀቅ ይገባል፡፡ ጭራቅ ለሰው አያዝንም፡፡ ጭራቅ በሰው ሀዘን የሚደሰት ዐረመኔ ፍጡር ነው፡፡ ወያኔዎች ደግሞ የመጨረሻ ጭራቅና ጨካኞች እንደመሆናቸው ሕዝብን ለመፍጀት የማያደርጉት ነገር የለም – በዚያን ሰሞን በአንድ የጎንደር አካባቢ የውኃ ጎተራ(ጋን) በመርዝ ሊበክሉ እንደነበር ሰምተናልና ከተጨማሪ ጥቃት ራሳችንን ለመከላከል ነቅተን መጠበቅ አለብን – በየትም ቦታ ያለን ዜጎች እንጠንቀቅ፤ ሥራም እንከፋፈልና ግዳጃችንን ባግባብ እንወጣ፡፡ ስለዚህ የሚያዙ ንብረቶችን በዐዋቂና ሲቻል በቤት እንስሳት (ሌላ አማራጭ ስለሌለ እንጂ ይህም ያሳዝናል) በመሞከር አገልግሎት ላይ ማዋል ይገባል፡፡ መኪናና የመሳሰሉ ንብረቶችን ግን ለትግሉ ማዋል ለጥያቄ የሚቀርብ አይደለም፡፡

ሁለተኛ – የመሣሪያ ችግር ብዙም አንገብጋቢ አይመስለኝም፡፡ ወጣቱ እየተደራጀ የወያኔ ሠራዊት ላይ ድንገተኛ ጥቃት በመፈጸም መሣሪያ መቀማት፣ ግምጃ ቤቶችን በግልም በቡድንም መዝረፍ… ስለሚቻል በቀውጢ ሰዓት የመሣሪያ ችግር እስከዚህም ነው፡፡ ችግር ሊሆን ይችል የነበረው የወኔ ማጣት ነበር፡፡ ይህ ችግር ደግሞ የተፈታ ይመስለኛልና መበርታት ነው፡፡ የቆረጠ አንድ ሰው ብዙ ጀብድ ይሠራል፡፡

ሦስተኛ – ጎጃምና ጎንደር ሲጠነክር ሌሎች ዳተኛ ሆነዋል፡፡ ይህ እጅግ አደገኛ ነገር ነው፡፡ ሁሉም መነሣት አለበት፡፡ ችግራችንና ብሶታችን እኩል እንደመሆኑ ከምሥራቅ እስከ ምዕራብ፣ ከደቡብ እስከ ሰሜን ሁሉም በአንዴ ተነስቶ ወያኔን እስከወዲያኛው መደምሰስ አለበት፡፡ ወያኔዎች የመጨረሻ ፈሪዎች ናቸው፡፡ ሁሉም በአንዴ ቢነሳባቸው ሽንታቸውን እየረጩ ነው በእግር አውጪኝ የሚሸሹት፡፡ በዚህ ይታወቃሉ፡፡ በሀሽሽና በአነቃቂ ዕፆች እየተደፋፈሩ፣ በሳቦታጅና በከሃዲ የደርግ ጦር አዋጊዎች ሸፍጥና በሱዳን ደንቃራና መተት እንዲሁም በጠላት ድጋፍና በሕዝባዊ ኩርፊያ ምክንያት ክፍት ቤተ መንግሥት አግኝተው በቀላሉ መግባት ስለቻሉ ብቻ ጀግኖች መስለዋችሁ ከሆነ ስህተት ነው – እንደዚያ ያለ ወርቃማ ዕድል ባገኝ እኔና ስምንቱ ልጆቼም ኢትዮጵያን መቶ ዓመት ልንገዛ እንችላለን፡፡ ጀግናው በርግጥም ጊዜ እንጂ እነሱ አይደሉም፡፡ ዕንቆቅልሹ ይፈታ፡፡ አፍዝ አደንግዙም ማርከሻው ባፋጣኝ ተፈልጎለት ከእሥራችን እንፈታ፡፡

ስለዚህ በተለይ ወሎና ሸዋ በአፋጣኝ ተነስቶ መንገዶችን መዘጋጋት አለበት፡፡ ብዙ ነገር እንዳያሸሹ የሸዋና የወሎ መንገዶች በቶሎ መዘጋት አለባቸው፤ ሁሉም በያካባቢው ያሉትን መንገዶች ቢዘጋ ብዙ ጉዳት አይደርስም፡፡ አደጋን መከላክል ደግሞከሩቅ ነው፡፡ ከሰንዳፋና ከሱልልታ ጀምሮ መንገዶችን ጥርቅም እያደረጉ በመዝጋት መፈናፈኛ ቢያሳጧቸው ምንም አያመጡም፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ በጣም ቀላል ነው፡፡ አሥር ቆራጥ ወጣቶች አንድ ኦራል ሙሉ ወታደር ሊማርኩ ይችላሉ፡፡ መጠነኛ ወታደራዊ ሥልጠና ግን ማግኘት ይኖርባቸው ይሆናል፡፡ በተረፈ ግን አንድ ፍልስጥኤም ምን ያህል የጀብድ ሥራ እንደሚሠራ የምናውቅ ሰዎች አንድ ቆራጥ ኢትዮጵያዊ ከልቡ ከተነሣ ምን ያህል ወደርየለሽ የጀግንነት ተግባር ሊፈጽም እንደሚችል እንገነዘባለን፤ በጎጃምና በጎንደር እያየንም ነው፡፡

አራተኛ – የአዲስ አበባ ከእምቢተኝነቱ ማዕድ አለመሳተፍ ለበጎ ነው፡፡ አዲስ አበባ እስካሁን ብትሳተፍ የክፍለ ሀገራቱ እንቅስቃሴ ይታፈን ነበር፡፡ ስለዚህ በእስካሁኑ ሁኔታ የሸገር መተኛት ብዙም መጥፎ አይመስለኝም፡፡ አዲስ አበባ የመጨረሻው የወያኔዎች ህቃታ መውጫ ናት፡፡ ከአሁን በኋላ ግን ሁሉም በአንዴ በመነሣት ሊረባረብባቸው ይገባል – ጊዜ የለንም፡፡ በሰሞኑ የሕዝብ እንቅስቃሴ አካሄድ ሁሉም ከተረባረበ ወያኔን ለማጥፋት አንድ ወርም በጣም ብዙ ጊዜ ነው፡፡

ማድረግ የሚገባው በሁሉም ሥፍራ ወጥሮ ማጣደፍ ነው፡፡ መቼም እርግጠኛ ነኝ 50 ሚሊዮኑ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ በጸረ ወያኔ እንቅስቀሴው በንቃት ቢሳተፍ ይህን ሕዝብ ጨፍጭፎ መጨረስ የሚችል አጋዚ አይኖርም፡፡ እስካሁን የኖሩት በማስፈራራት እንጂ በርግጥም የሚፈራላቸው ኃይል ኖሯቸው አይደለም፡፡ ዛፍ ላይ ወይም ፎቅ ውስጥ ተደብቆ በአጉሊ መነጽር በሚመራ ልዩ ጠብመንጃ የንጹሓንን አናት መበርቀስ የዕይታንና የማነጣጠርን ብልሃት እንጂ ጀግንነትን የሚጠይቅ ትልቅ ሥራ አይደለም፡፡ በዚህ የ“ሥራ” መስክ ቢሰለጥን የ5 ዓመት ሕጻንም ብዙ ጥፋትና ውድመት ሊያስከትል ይችላል፡፡ ስለሆነም ሁላችንም ሳንፈራ ለጋራ ነፃነታችን በአንዴ ብንነሣ ይሳካልናል፡፡ እኔ መቼም በጎጃምና በጎንደር እንዴት እንደኮራሁ ቃላት አይገልጹትም፡፡ አዲስ አበባ እስኪመጣ በጣም ጓጉቻለሁ፡፡ አንድ አስተባባሪ ኃይል በኅቡዕ ተፈጥሮ ይህ ለጊዜው የሚጎመዝዝ በኋላ ግን የፍሬው ጥፍጥና በልጅ ልጆቻችን እየደመቀ የሚሄድ ተግባር በቶሎ መጀመር ይኖርበታል፡፡

አምስተኛ –  በዚህ ሕዝባዊ ትግል የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ጎልቶ አለመውጣት ወይም የአንዳንዶቹ እንደመትረየስ የሚንደቀደቅ አፍ በስማም እንደተባለበት ሰይጣን ጸጥ ረጭ ማለት ለበጎ ነው፡፡ ምክንያቱም ሕዝቡ በትግሉ የሚያመጣውን ነፃነት ከአሁን በኋላ ማንም እንደፈለገ ሊቸረንና ሊነሣን አይችልምና፡፡ እስካሁን የተጎዳነው ሕዝብ ልክ እንዳሁኑ በስፋትና በጥልቀት በባለቤትነትም ስሜት የመራው ሕዝባዊ አብዮት ስላልነበረን ነው፤ በዚህም ሳቢያ የሕዝብን የነፃነት ባለቤትነት ማጣጣም አልቻልንም፡፡ በደርግ መነሻ አካባቢ እርግጥ ነው እንዳሁኑ ባይሆንም የተወሰነ ሕዝባዊ ተሣትፎ እንደነበርና በኋላ ግን የሕዝቡ አብዮት በወታደር እንደተጠለፈ እናውቃለን፡፡ የማይሙ ደርግ የሥልጣን ጠለፋ ስህተት ነበርና ለባሰ ውድቀት ዳርጎን አለፈ፡፡

ወያኔም የተነሣው በአንድ አካባቢ ሕዝብ በመሆኑና መላውን የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ባለማቀፉ የሆነው ሁሉ ሆኖ ለዚህ በቃን፡፡ አሁን ግን የፈጣሪ ተዓምር ተጨምሮበት ባልታሰበ አቅጣጫ በፈነዳ የብሶት ኒዩክሌር ሀገራችን ከነዚህ መርዘኛ የኮብራና የአናኮንዳ እባቦች በቅርቡ ነፃ ልትወጣ የነፃነት ምጥ ተፋፍሞ ይገኛል፡፡ የምትወለደው ነፃነት ለኔም ትጠቅመኛለች የሚል ማንኛውም ኢትዮጵያዊ ይተባበርና ካለብዙ መስዋዕትነት እምዬ ኢትዮጵያን “እንኳን ማርያም ማረችሽ” ለማለት እንብቃ፡፡ ሁሉም ወደየኅሊናው ከተመለሰና ከተባበረ ይህ ታሪካዊ ድርጊት እጅግ በጣም ቀላል ነው፡፡ ከፍርሀት ቆፈን መውጣት ብቻ ነው መፍትሔው፡፡

ስድስተኛ – በዚህ ሕዝባዊ እምቢተኝነት ለመሣተፍ ምንም ዓይነት ቅድመ ሁኔታ አናብጅ፡፡ ሙሰኛም ሳይቀር ተጸጽቶና ከልቡ አዝኖ የበደለውን ሕዝብ ለመካስ ቆርጦ ይነሣ፡፡ ክፉ ሥራውን ሕዝብ እንደሚያውቅ ሁሉ  በነፃነት ትግሉ የሚያበረክተውን በግልጽ የሚመዘግብለት ሕዝብ የፊትና የአሁን ተግባሩን በማመዛዘን ይቅርታ ያደርግለታልና በካፈርኩ አይመልሰኝ በጥፋት ድርጊቱ አይቀጥል፡፡ ዜጎችም ከከንቱ ብቀላና ከተንኮል አስተሳሰብ እንታቀብ፤ ጤናማ ኅሊና ይኑረን፤ አጥፊ ሲጸጸትም ምሕረት የማድረግ ባህልን እናዳብር፡፡ ሰው የገደለም ቢሆን በእውነት አልቅሶና ሀገሬንና ሕዝቤን በድያለሁ ብሎ በዚህ ወሳኝ ወቅት ወደ ነፃነቱ ጎራ በመቀላቀል ከጥፋቱ ጋር የሚመጣጠን መልካም የነፃነት ተጋድሎ ካደረገ ቢሰዋ እንኳ ሕዝቡ ይቅርታውን ይቸረውና ቀሪ ትውልዱ አንገቱን ቀና አድርጎ እንዲሄድ ምቹ ሁኔታ ይፈጠርለታል፡፡ መጥፎው ነገር ወንጀልን በወንጀል እያደሱ መጓዝ ነው፡፡ ኅሊናችንን እንጠብ፣ የነፍሳችንን መንገድ እናስተካክል፡፡ ተበልቶ ለእዳሪ፣ ተጠጥቶ ለሽንት ለሚሆን የሞተ እህል ውሃ ብለን ዘላለማዊነታችንን ባጭሩ አንቅጨው፡፡ ለእህል ውኃ የሚኖሩ እንስሳት ብቻ እንጂ ሰዎች ሊሆኑ አይገባም፡፡ ከእንስሳትም እኮ ለሰው የሚያዝኑና ለሆዳቸው የማያድሩ እንስፍስፎች አሉ – ለምሣሌ ዶልፊን ለሰው አዛኝና አልቃሽ ነው፡፡ ካሳዘንከው ጅብ እንኳን ሳይበላህ አዝኖልህ ሊምርህ ይችላል፡፡ ሰው እንደወያኔ ከጅብ ካነሰ ምን ይባላል? ከጅብና ከወያኔ ማነስ ትልቅ የተፈጥሮና የሥነ ሕይወታዊ ቀመር ችግር  ነው፡፡

ሰባተኛ – አጋዚዎችና አንዳንድ በወያኔ ፍቅር ያበዱ ትግሬዎችን እንዲሁም ከየትኛውም ጎሣ የተገኙ ሆዳም ጅቦችን  እንጠንቀቅ፡፡ ፍቅር መጥፎ ነው፡፡ ፍቅር ያሳብዳል፡፡ ፍቅር ሎጂክና ምክንያታዊነትን የማያውቅ ደደብ ፍጡር ነው፡፡ እርግጥ ነው ፍቅር ዓይነቱ ብዙ ስለሆነ ሁሉም ፍቅር በዚህ እኔ በምለው የፍቅር ጎራ ውስጥ ይካተታል ማለት አይደለም፡፡ የዘርና የጎሣ ፍቅር፣ የሆድ ፍቅር፣ በዓላማና በጥቅም ትስስር የሚመሠረት ፍቅር… እጅግ አደገኛ ነውና ወቅቱ እስኪያልፍ አንደበታችንን ሰተር፤ የምንናገረው ከማን ጋር እንደሆነ ማወቅ፣ ፀጉረ ልውጥን መከታተል… ይገባል እንጂ ልባችንን ለማንም ለማናውቀው ሰው ሁላ መስጠት ከጥቅሙ ጉዳቱ ያመዝናል፤ በሚያልፍ ጊዜ የማያልፍ ክፉ ነገር እንዳንሸምት ጥንቃቄ እናድርግ፡፡

ስምንተኛ – በጥቅሉ ይህች ጊዜ እግዜር የፈቀደልን የሽልማት ጊዜ ናት፡፡ ካልተጠቀምንባት ግን እንደዋዛ ልታልፍ ትችላለች፡፡ ካለፈችን ደግሞ  ዳግመኛ ላናገኛት እንችላለን (ሰሜን ኮሪያን ያዬ በነጻነት ትግል አያላግጥም – እያንዳንድሽ ዘላለምሽን የወያኔ ባርያ ሆነሽ ትቀሪያታለሽና ዋ! ብያለሁ፡፡) ይህችን ዕድል ዳግም ካላገኘናት የወያኔን ግፍና በደል በምንም ዓይነት ተዓምር አንችለውም፡፡ የወያኔን የብቀላ ብትር የቻለ ፍጡር እስካሁን በምድር አልተገኘም፡፡ ወያኔ እንኳስ በሕይወት የሚገኝን ፍጡር የሞተን ሰው አጥንትና የዘመናት ዐፅም ከመቃብር ቆፍሮ እያወጣ በጨንገር የሚገርፍ ልዩ የአጋንንት መንጋ ነው፡፡ እነፕሮፌሰር አሥራትን የገደለ … እነሀብታሙ አያሌውን በቁም ስቅል እየገደለ ያለ ዐውሬ ከአሁን በኋላ ስድስት ወር እንኳን ሥልጣን ላይ ቢቆይ በተለይ አንድም ዐማራ በሕይወት አይተርፍም ቢባል ከፈጠጠው እውነታ አኳያ ብዙም ማጋነን አይደለም፡፡ ይህን ሁሉም ይረዳ፡፡ አሁን ደግሞ ዐማራና ኦሮሞ በመቀራረባቸው ምክንያት ወያኔዎች መርዝ እንደበላ ውሻ ጨርቃቸውን ጥለው አብደዋልና ኦሮሞም ሆነ ዐማራ ዕድላችሁ አንድና አንድ ነው – መጥፋት፡፡ ስለዚህ ሁልሽም ይህን የዲያብሎስ ግሪሣ በአንድ ጊዜ ገጥመሽ አስወግጅ፡፡ ስትፎካከሪ ከርመሽ ወያኔ በረዳቶቹ በነዚያ የአጋንንት ጭፍሮች አማካይነት እንደባብ አፈር ልሶ ነፍስ ከዘራ ወዮልሽ፡፡ እነሱም የሚመጻደቁት የድመት ነፍስ እንዳላቸው ስለሚያምኑ ነው፡፡

እነዚያ የዐድዋ ተሸናፊ ሉሲፈራውያን የሩዋንዳ ሕዝብ እርስ በርሱ ከተጨፋጨፈ በኋላ ያለ አንዳች ይሉኝታ በዕብሪት ምን ነበር ያሉት? አዎ፣ እኔ ላስታውስህ – “እንደሚጨፋጨፉ አስቀድመን እናውቅ ነበር!” ነው ያሉት፡፡ ምን ማለት ነው? አልነግርህም፡፡ አልግርሽም፡፡ ግን ጠንቀቅ እንበል፡፡ ትዕቢት የሰይጣን ዋናው መገለጫ መሆኑን ግን እንረዳ፤ ጥጋበኛው ሕወሓትም ትምክህቱንና ዕብሪቱን ያገኘው ከነሱው ከጌቶቹ ነው፡፡ የወያኔን ጌቶች ማመን ቀብሮ ነውና “እገሌ ይደርስልናል” ማለቱ በፍጹም አያዋጣም፡፡

አዳኛችን አንድ ነው – እግዚአብሔር፡፡ ነፃ አውጫችን አንድ ነው – እኛው ራሳችን፡፡ ከሩዋንዳዎች መማር አለብን፡፡ ከሦርያዎች መማር አለብን፡፡ ከሶማያሊውያን መማር አለብን፡፡ ከየመኖች መማር አለብን፡፡ … እነዚህና ሌሎቹም እንደኛው እልከኛ የዘረኝነትና የጎሰኝነት ሾተላይ ገጥሟቸው ምን ያህል ጉዳት እንደደረሰባቸው እናውቃለን፤ እነማን እንደሚያጨፋጭፏቸውም አሣምረን እናውቃለን፡፡ ለአብነት ነጫጭባዎቹ ቢፈልጉ ሦርያ በአንድ አዳር ሰላም ልታገኝ ትችላለች፡፡ ነገር ግን ወዲያ ማዶና ወዲህ ማዶ ያሉ ከአንድ ግንድ የተገኙ ለይምሰል ግን የማይዋደዱ የሚመስሉ የሉሲፈር ልጆች በእጅ አዙር( ፈረንጆቹ proxy war በሚሉት) እየተዋጉ የመሣሪያ መፈተሻ አድርገዋት ቀሩ – ያሳዝናል – እኛ ግን የደጉ አምላክ ልጆች ነንና ከዚህ ብዙ ልንማር ይገባናል፡፡ ወያኔዎች ደግሞ እንኳንስ ለኢትዮጵያና ለኢትዮጵያውያን ለትግራይ ክፍለ ሀገር ሕዝብም የማይመለሱ የእፉኝት ልጆች ናቸው – ከሥልጣንና እንደመዥገር ከተጣበቁበት ሀብት አንጻር የሚመጣባቸውን ሁሉ የእናታቸውን ልጅ ሳይቀር በጭካኔ ይገድላሉ፤ ከመግደላቸው በፊት በሚያደርጉበት ዐረመኔያዊ ተግባርም ይዝናናሉ፡፡ ከነዚህ ሰዎች ጋር ድርድር የሚባል ነገር ደግሞ የማይታሰብ ነው፡፡ ወደ መቃብር ካልወረዱና ተራራ እሚያህል ድንጋይ ካልተጫነባቸው ልታምኗቸው አትችሉም፡፡ … ውርድ ከራስ፡፡ በጎሠኝነት ዥዋዥዌ የምትዋልሉ የትግራይ ሰዎች ካላችሁ አቋማችሁን ፈትሹ – ከሚሰምጠው የወያኔ መርከብም ባፋጣኝ ውረዱ – የወያኔ ታይታኒክ መርከብ መስመጫዋ ደርሷልና ሚናችሁን ለዩ፡፡

የተኛችሁ ተነሱ፤ ያንቀላፋችሁ ንቁ፡፡ በዚህ ሰሞን አዲስ አበባን ጨምሮ ሁሉም የሀገራችን ክፍል ለመጨረሻው አርማጌዴዎን ይነሳ፡፡ የወሎና የሸዋ መንገዶች ይዘጋጉ፡፡ ያኔ መሸሻቸው ሁሉ ሲዘጋ የሚሆኑትን እናያለን … የዚያ ሰው ይበለን፡፡ እደግመዋለሁ – ወሎና ሸዋ ከእንቅልፋችሁ ንቁ፡፡ ወለጋ፣ አዋሣ፣ ሐረር፣ ጋሙጎፋ፣ አርሲ፣ ትግራይ፣ አፋር፣ … ሁሉም በአንዴ መነሣትና የማይቀረውን ነጻነቱን መጎናጸፍ አለበት – በራስ የትግል መስዋዕትነት የሚመጣን ነጻነት ደግሞ የሚቀማ ምንም ምድራዊ ኃይል የለም፡፡

ኢትዮጵያ በውድ ልጆቿ ትግል ነፃ ትወጣለች፤ እግዚአብሔር ከኛ ጋር ይሁን፡፡ አሜን፡፡

– See more at: http://www.satenaw.com/amharic/archives/20251#sthash.Xtkv4USr.dpuf

ከወሎ የተነሳው ጦር ወደ ጎንደር እና ጎጃም እንዳያልፍ የጋይንት ህዝብ ድልድዩን ሰብሮታል

ገበሬውና ከተሜው በአንድነት ወታደሩን አናሳልፍም ብሎአል ። አምባጊዮርጊስ ሌሊቱን በተኩስ ስትናጥ አድራለች። ከታጣቂዎችም ከአርሶአደሮችም ጉዳት ደርሷል። ባህርዳር ቀበሌ 14 አካባቢ አሁንም ተኩስ ይሰማል። የጎንደር ዩኒቨርስቲ ተማሪዎች ግቢውን ለቀው ወጥተዋል

ከወሎ የተነሳው ጦር ወደ ጎንደር እና ጎጃም እንዳያልፍ የጋይንት ህዝብ ድልድዩን ሰብሮታል

– See more at: http://www.satenaw.com/amharic/archives/20267#sthash.3e0Fq1yQ.dpuf

ህወሃት/ኢህአዴግ በአማራው ሕዝብ ላይ የዘር ዕልቂት (genocide) አወጀ

unnamed (3)

ጎልጉል የድረገጽ ጋዜጣ

በአማራ ክልል እየተቀጣጠለ የመጣውን ሕዝባዊ እምቢተኝነት (#AmharaResistance) ፖለቲካዊ መፍትሔ ከመፈለግ ይልቅ የመከላከያ ኃይል እርምጃ እንዲወስድ ሃይለማርም ደሳለኝ በኦፊሴል አዟል፡፡

በትግራይ ህዝብ ነጻ አውጪ ግምባር (ህወሃት) ሙሉ ቁጥጥር ሥር ያለው የሃይለማርያም የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርነት ሥልጣን በየቦታው “በቃን፤ አንፈልግም” የተባለውን የህወሃት የበላይነትን እንደገና ለማስፈን የጦርነት አዋጅ አውጇል፡፡

በኦሮሚያ (#OromoProtests) ለ10 ወራት የዘለቀው የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ የመፍጀት ሥልታዊ ጥቃት አሁንም የበርካታዎችን ደም እያፈሰሰ ባለበት ባሁኑ ወቅት በአንድ ክልል ሕዝብ ላይ የተነጣጠረው ይህ በሃይለማርያም ትዕዛዝ የተሰጠው የህወሃት እርምጃ ታሪክ የማይረሳው፣ ሰላም ሊያመጣ የማይችል፣ የዕድሜ ልክ ቁርሾ የሚያስከትል የዘር ማጥፋት (genocide) ወንጀል ነው፡፡

ውሳኔውን ተወደደም ተጠላም “የአማራውን ሕዝብ ጨርሱት” የሚል ነው!

የአሜሪካ ድምጽ ሬዲዮ ያቀናበረውን ለማዳመጥ እዚህ ላይ ይጫኑ፡፡

በሸገር ኤፌ.ም. የተሰራጨው መረጃ እንዲህ ይነበባል

በአማራ ብሄራዊ ክልላዊ መንግስት የተለያዩ አካባቢዎች ባለፉት 3 ቀናት ዳግም የተነሳውን ተቃውሞ ተከትሎ መንግስት የፀጥታ ሃይሉን ማዘዙ ተሰማ፡፡

የክልሉ የኮሙኒኬሽን ጉዳዮች ጽ/ቤት ኃላፊ አቶ ንጉሱ ጥላሁን በሶስት ቀናት በነበረው ተቃውሞ የሰዎች ህይወት መቀጠፉንና ንብረት መውደሙን ለሸገር ዛሬ ተናግረዋል፡፡

በክልሉ የተለያዩ ከተማዎች ውስጥ የአገልግሎት መስጪያ ተቋማት አገልግሎት ተቋርጦ ነበር ሲሉም ነግረውናል፡፡

ህዝቡ የሚያሳቸውን ህጋዊ የመብት ጥያቄዎችን በሌላ መንገድ የሚወስዱ ወገኖች በክልሉ ያለውን ጥፋት በማባባሳቸው የመከላከያ ኃይል እርምጃ እንዲወስዱ በክልሉ መንግስት መታዘዙንም አቶ ንጉሱ ይናገራሉ፡፡

በአማራ ብሄራዊ ክልላዊ መንግስት ስር ከሚገኙ በደብረ ታቦር፣ በባህር ዳር፣ በጎንደርና በደብረ ታቦር የተነሱ ተቃውሞዎች ብዙ ንብረት መውደሙንና ህይወት መጥፋቱን የተለያዩ ወገኖች ሲናገሩ ተሰምቷል፡፡

ከ3 ቀናት በፊት በተነሳው ዳግም ግጭት ምክንያት በደብረ ታቦር ብቻ ስድስት ሰዎች ሞተዋል ሲል የመላው ኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ድርጅት መኢአድ ሲናገር ተሰምቷል፡፡

የአማራ ብሄራዊ ክልላዊ መንግስት የኮሙኒኬሽን ቢሮ ኃላፊው አቶ ንጉሱ በበኩላቸው በ3ቱ ቀናት በታዩት ግጭቶች ምን ያህል ሰዎች እንደሞቱና ንብረት እንደወደመ ተጠይቀው “ለጊዜው የሚባል ነገር የለም በቅርቡ ጥቅል መረጃዎች ይወጣሉ” ብለዋል፡፡ (የኔነህ ሲሳይ – SHEGER FM 102.1 RADIO)

– See more at: http://www.satenaw.com/amharic/archives/20262#sthash.8Eoj4PeZ.dpuf

የሕወሃት ብጥብጥ እና ሽሽት- ከውስጥ አዋቂ ምንጭ – ክንፉ አሰፋ

Noose around TPLF neck tightens as Amara and Oromo join forces

ሕዝባዊ አመጹ ያመጣውን ቀውስ ተከትሎ በህወሃት ከፍተኛ አመራር ውስጥ ከፍተኛ መበጣበጥ እና የርስ-በርስ ፍጥጫ መከሰቱን ከታመነ የውስጥ አዋቂ ምንጭ መረጃ ደርሶናል። ­­­

“አመራሩ ክፉኛ ከመከፋፈሉ የተነሳም የርስበርሱ ችግራቸው ላይ ተወጥረዋል።” ይላል መረጃው። ቀንደኞቹ የህወሃት አባላት ስርዓቱ እንዳበቃለት ስለተገነዘቡ ንብረት እና ልጆቻቸውን በማሸሽ ላይ ናቸው።

ሕዝቡ ሁሉ እንደተፋቸው በግልጽ እየነገራቸው ስለተገነዘቡ፤ የህወሃት የደህንነት አባላት ሕዝቡን ተተው የራሳቸውን ሰራዊት እና ፌደራል ፖሊስ አባላት እንዲሰልሉ ተነግሯቸዋል። “ተጠርጣሪ” የኦህዴድ እና ብአዴን አባላት በነዚህ ሰላዮች ስለተከበቡ በፍርሃት መወጠራቸውን ከራሳቸው አንደበት እየተሰማ ነው።

የርስበርስ ውጥረቱ የተከሰተው ወቅታዊ ችግሩን እንዴት እንፍታ በሚለው ሃሳብ ላይ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎችን በሙሉ በመጥራት የአንድነት መንግስት እንመስርት በሚለው ሃሳብ ላይ ስምምነት ተወያይተው ውሳኔ ካስተላለፉ በኋላ በዚህ የተከፋው ቡድን ባነሳው ተቃውሞ እንደሆነ መረጃው ጠቁሟል። ይህ ቡድን ችግሩን በውይይት ሳይሆን በመሳርያ ሃይል ለመፍታት ለብቻው መክሯል። ውይይታቸው ሁሉ ዛቻ እና ስድብ አዘል ንግግሮችም እንደነበሩበት ምንጫችን ጠቅሷል።

በውሳኔው መሰረት ተቃዋሚዎች በቤተመንገስት ይጋበዛሉ ተብሏል። ለማዘናጋትም ተብሎ ይሁን ወይንም በፍርሃት የመጣው ይህ ሃሳብ ግዜው አልፎበታል።

በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ወታደራዊ ካምዮኖች የአጋዚ ወታደሮችን እና ከባድ መሳርያ ጭነው ከህወሃት ነጻ ወደ ወጡት ስፍራዎች እየጎረፉ ነው። ማብቅያ የሌላቸው እነዚህ የጭነት መኪናዎች እየተጓዙ ያሉት የውጭ ጠላትን ለመመከት ሳይሆን የገዛ ሕዝብን ለመደምሰስ ታቅዶ እና ታስቦ ነው። አለ የተባለው ሁሉ የህወሃት ሰራዊት ወደ አማራው ሕዝብ ተልኮ እመንገድ ላይ ታግቷል። በአሁኑ ሰአት ሌላው አካባቢ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ እንኳን ቢኖር ከአጋዚ ነጻ ይመስላል።

ሕዝባዊ አመጽ በተቀጣጠለባቸው ስፍራዎች (በተለይ በጎንደር እና ጎጃም) ያሉ የሰራዊት አባላት በሕዝቡ ላይ እንዲተኩሱ ደብረ ጽዮን ገብረ ሚካኤል ትእዛዝ አስተላልፎ ነበር። ችግር ግን አለ። ይህ ትዕዛዝ ከአካባቢው የሰራዊቱ አባላት ተቀባይነት አላገኘም። ልዩ ፖሊስ በመባል የሚታወቁት የአካባቢው ፖሊሶች እና ወታደሮች የከህዝብ ጎን መቆምን መርጠዋል። በአካባቢው ያሉ የሰራዊቱ አባላት በህዝብ ላይ አንተኩስም ብለዋል። ይልቁንም ልዩ-ፖሊሶች ህዝብን ከአጋዚ ገዳዮች በመከላከል ላይ እንዳሉ ነው የሚሰማው።

በተለይ በጎንደር እና ጎጃም ሕዝቡ አስቀድሞ መንገዶችን በሙሉ ዘግቶ የአጋዚ ገዳዮች ወደ ስፍራው እንዳይገቡ አድጓቸዋል። ይህ ባለመሳካቱም የኢትዮጵያ አየር መንገድ የውስጥ በረራውን አቁሞ የአጋዚ ሠራዊትን ወደ ባህርዳር እንዲያመላልስ ታዝዟል። በበርካታ ስፍራዎችም ሕዝቡ ራሱን ለመከላከል በመፋለም ላይ ይገኛል።

ሃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርነት ስልጣን ላይ ቁጭ ብሎ፤ በምክትሉ ነው የሚመራው። ለእያንዳንዱ የሚፈስ ደም፣ ለእያንዳንዱ የጦር ወንጀል፣ ለእያንዳንዱ በሰብአዊነት ላይ የሚፈጸም ወንጀል… የመጀመርያ ጠያቂው እሱ መሆኑን ዘንግቶት ግን አይደለም።

ላለፉት 25 ዓመታት በጥቂቶች የተረገጠ ህዝብ ብሶቱ ከመብዛቱ የተነሳ ገንፍሎ ወጥቷል። ጎንደር እና ጎጃም ክፍለ ሃገራት ከዘረኛው የህወሃት አገዛዝ ነጻ ወጥተዋል። በአንዳንድ ስፍራዎች ከፍተኛ የተኩስ ልውውጥ እየተካሄደ ቢሆንም ሁኔታው ለህወሃት እጅግ አስቸጋሪ እንደሆነበት ከስፍራው የሚደርሱን መረጃዎች ይጠቁማሉ።

በአዲስ አበባ እና በሌሎች ከተሞች ውጥረት እንደሰፈነ ነው። በሃገሪቱ የሚያስፈራ ድባብ ሰፍኗል። የኢኮኖሚው እንቅስቃሴ በእጅጉ እየተዳከመ ነው። የውሃ፣ የመብራት፣ የስልክ እና ኢንተርኔት መቋረጥ ህዝቡን እጅግ አስመርሮታል። አንድ ሊፈነዳ ያለ ነገር እንዳለ ይሰማል። ሕዝባዊ አመጽ በቀጠሮ አይመጣም። ብሶቱ መጨረሻ ደረጃ ላይ ሲደርስ ይፈነዳል።

የአዲስ አበባ ሕዝብ ለሰዓታት ከቤቱ ወጥቶ በሩ ላይ ብቻ ቢቆም፣ አሁን የሚደነፉበት ዘራፊዎች ሁሉ ሃገር ለቀው ይጠፋሉ።